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'Sinn Féin to Contest all Twelve Seats'

From Saoirse

50 years ago:

"Sinn Féin has decided to contest, in the next general election to Westminster, all 12 constituencies in the Six Counties which return representatives to the British Parliament." Thus was the Ard Fheis of November 8-9, 1952 reported in the Irish Independent of November 10. The report continued: "This was revealed in a statement released after a private session at the Ard Fheis of Sinn Féin in Dublin yesterday."

The Irish Press of the same date reported that "the decision had been reached by the outgoing Ard Chomhairle and had a direct and possibly a very important bearing on the immediate future of the organization".

The press release by Sinn Féin went on: "The contest of these elections is one means that can be adopted to challenge Britain's claim to a right to occupy and rule over a part of our national territory."

"Contest of all 12 constituencies will, in addition, constitute a challenge to the native-born, irrespective of what interests they represent, who, by attendance at Westminster, acknowledge Britain's claim to interfere in and dominate matters that by every known right are solely and exclusively the internal affairs of the Irish people."

Obviously, it was a head-to-head confrontation with the British government and with every interest in Ireland which accepted British rule here. From the outset it was made abundantly clear that successful candidates would not sit in the Westminster parliament.

The fateful decision was, of course, fully in keeping with the Republican Movement 's Overall Plan and the National Unity and Independence Programme of Sinn Féin.

This much was stated to the Ard Fheis by outgoing president, Pádraig Mac Lógáin. He said that in addition to "a programme of national unity and independence" (Irish Independent report), "they had drawn up a Social and Economic Programme which would apply to an overall economy for the whole country as a self-governing nation and would serve the interests of the people, irrespective of class or creed".

"In that respect it differed materially from the lines of economic development followed so far by the native rulers of a partitioned Ireland which tended towards development of two separate economies based upon partition, the general effect of which was to consolidate the division of our country."

A new President of Sinn Féin was elected in place of Pádraig Mac Lógáin who did not seek re-election. He was Tomás Ó Dubhghaill of Áth Cliath, who was elected Ard-Rúnaí in 1949 and had been Adjutant-General of the Irish Republican Army at the time of his arrest and imprisonment in 1941.

The Irish Press and Irish Independent both listed the new officers and Ard-Chomhairle members: Uachtarán: Tomás Ó Dubhghaill of Dublin, Leas-Uachtarán: Margaret Buckley; Áth Cliath and Frank McGlynn, Armagh city; Ard Rúnaithe Seán Ó Cearnaigh agus Mícheál Mac Fréinfhir, as Bhaile Átha Cliath don bheirt; Ard-Chisteoirí: Riobárd Ruiséil agus Críostóir Mac Eochaidh, as Bhaile Átha Cliath dóibh beirt.

Ard-Chomhairle: Pádraig Mac Lógain, Portlaoise; Pádraig Ó Dubhghaill, Béal Féirste; Máire Ní Ghabhann, Ard Mhaca; Patrick McShane, Ard Mhaca; Antoine MagCana, Áth Cliath; Éamonn Mac Thomáis, Áth Cliath; Pádraig Mac Fhloinn, Áth Cliath; Seosamh Ó Cathail, Béal Féirste.

An t-Éireannach Aontaithe/The United Irishman stated that "over 100 delegates attended the Ard Fheis" at which momentous decisions were made.

A week before the Ard Fheis, newspapers reported that armed men had marched through Dundrum, a southern suburb of Dublin city. The Sunday Independent of November 2 carried a heading "Armed Men in Co Dublin", while the Irish Press of the next day said "Armed Marchers in Co Dublin".

The Sunday Independent report said: "People living in Dundrum, a south Dublin suburb, were surprised some nights ago to find about 200 armed men marching through their streets. They were doubly surprised to find that they were not regular troops, but were civilians.

"Inquires made by a Sunday Independent reporter disclosed that recently there has been a marked increase in the activities of these men, activities carried out without any great concealment. Indeed, it was discovered that these men were making use of an army rifle range in the Dublin Mountains."

The Irish Press report was slightly more precise: "Close on 200 young men who carried arms were recently seen marching through Dundrum, Co. Dublin writes an Irish Press reporter. "For the past six months groups of men carrying arms have been seen at various places in the Dublin Mountains.

"These activities, which were more numerous in the summer, have, I understand, been known to the police authorities for some time."

The press reports have been given in full and there was nothing further carried in the media, except that a Special Branch spokesperson was quoted. He said: "The number would be nearer to two- dozen than 200."

Were these reports "leaked" to the newspapers by the Branch? Remember that Fianna Fáil was back in power as a minority administration in the 26 Counties. And Gerry Boland was serving his last period as Minister for "Justice".

Of course the reports were embroidered upon by people with lively imaginations. For instance, a Longford man who had been a patient in the old St Vincent's Hospital (St. Stephen's Green/Lower Leeson Street) told on his return home of looking out the hospital window and seeing "hundreds of armed men marching by".

They were getting nearer the city centre!

The truth was that the Northside and Southside city Companies of the Dublin Battalion, IRA sometimes engaged in route marches through remote minor roads beyond the city outskirts.

They were never held through build-up areas or areas with street lighting. The Volunteers never carried arms of any kind during these exercises.

As was stated in last month's installment, training camps were held discreetly in the Dublin and Wicklow mountains. In 1952 they had been held during the St. Patrick's Day weekend, July and September.

Why did the press reports not appear until November? The most likely answers may be that they were inspired by the Special Branch, that such covert activities were nothing new and that enterprising reporters were writing "flyers", as they are known in journalism circles.

On the front page of An t-Éireannach Aonaithe/The United Irishman, December 1952 a recent edition of the Vatican daily newspaper Osservatore Romano is quoted on the question of enlistment in foreign forces:

"Fighting for one's fatherland is a duty that nobody can evade without fault, not only civil but also moral.

"But to go as a Volunteer and risk death for a foreign country, for a cause whose aims are not clear, merely to earn bread, or struck by the romantic aspect of fighting in far off lands, is not permissible.

"Also that it was inconceivable that parents should permit their sons to take part in adventures from which there might be no return and which might mean their spiritual and physical deaths."

The Republican organ commented: "It proves difficult to reconcile this commentary with the fact that thousands of Irishmen are present serving with the British forces in such far off lands as Malaya, Kenya and Korea, or with the action of some Churchmen in condemning the young men who joined the IRA to fight for their fatherland.

"In a letter to the Cork Examiner (as it then was), E. Fluery, 'Poppy Day' Organiser in Cork, appealing for support said: "The need is very great and wars still continue.' The derelicts of England's imperialist wars come back to beg the charity of Irishmen.

"Now they have served her cause and since they can serve no more she throws them from her."

Elsewhere under the heading "Civilisation Comes to Kenya", a report culled from the Irish Times of November 27, 1952: "During the debate in the Kenya Legislature Colonel E.S. Grogan, the oldest member of the Legislature (he is 78) said that the Kikuyu (people) [~] centre of the Mau Mau [~] were regarded as the most cowardly tribe in Africa.

"They were mostly concerned about their necks. He advocated charging 'about 100 of these rascals' with treason and hanging 25% of them in front of the remainder, who should then be sent back to the tribal reserves to tell the rest'."

One wonders did Col Grogan live to see Jomo Kenyatta, who had been sentenced to seven years in prison for "managing the Mau Mau", dancing with the Queen of England when she came on a State visit to an independent, but neo-colonial, Kenya a few years later.

He was then Prime Minister of Kenya but during the independence struggle British propaganda had visualized him drinking cups of human blood while swearing an oath to the Mau Mau, which title translates as the Land and Freedom Army.

Another article in the same edition of the Republican paper is headed "Britain Defends Human Rights?" It notes that the British delegation to the United Nations handed in three documents containing 32,000 words of indictment against the Communist regimes in Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania.

These charged failure to observe human rights against the administrations in those Communist-dominated countries. The article says it would be more easy to write on the same subject in British-dominated countries.

"The number of Kenya natives imprisoned on November 17 was 2,200. Think of the mass internments, whole village destruction and murders committed under the Union Jack in Malaya." Yet again the contradictions in the Establishment set-up are pointed up in a piece on the "Regiment of Pearse" in the Free State Army. This battalion of the FCA had conducted a recruiting campaign in University College Dublin.

A stand was erected in the Main Hall of the College and leaflets were distributed. Army officers addressed students during lecture hours and appealed for recruits.

The most apt tribute which the FCA leaflets paid to the 'Universities Company' of the "Pearse Battalion" was "Remember this unit is really another College Society."

The article concluded that it was heartening to know that quite a number of students were actually in the Republican Movement, although Republican activities were "of course strictly frowned upon in what is named the National University".

But it was not just Pearse's name which was ill-used fifty years ago, but those of Cathal Brugha, Harry Boland and Liam Mellows also. An editorial in the Republican organ of June 1952 saw reason to attack hypocrisy in high places.

It said the Leinster House politicians were continually "trying to make the Free State area acceptable as our country". It quoted as an example an editorial in the Irish Press of May 26, 1952:

"It is fitting and appropriate that Portobello Barracks (in Dublin's Rathmines area where the 'Regiment of Pearse' trained) is to be renamed in honour of Cathal Brugha."

The UI asked if it was from the same barracks that the Free State troops came who shot him to death in 1922? It said that some of those same troops might still have been members of the Portobello garrison in 1952.

The Irish Press article went on: After Easter Week (1916) he survived 14 bullet wounds which would have assuredly killed a weaker man physically or one less eager to live in order to join battle with renewed enthusiasm with the British forces who were occupying this part of Ireland."

The UI replied: "Now we know, Cathal Brugha fought to drive the British forces 'out of this part of Ireland'. What hypocrisy? 'Brugha did not surrender' it says [~] but now 30 years after his death they try to make it appear that he was all the time fighting for the Statelet which surrender brought into being.

"Beggars' Bush is to be renamed Harry Boland Barracks. Soon we will probably have the Erskine Childers Barracks and the Liam Mellows or the Joe McKelvey Barracks. Why not go the whole way and give us the Paddy McGrath Barracks or maybe the Richard Goss Barracks? (both were executed by Free State firing squads in 1940/41).

"Are there no depths too vile for these politicians to stoop to?"

Note: Shortly afterwards Renmore Free State military barracks in Galway was renamed [base "]Dún Ui Mhaoilíosa[per thou] for Liam Mellows!

(More next month. Refs. An t-Éireannach Aontaithe/The United Irishman June & December 1952; the Irish Press November 3&10, 1952; Sunday Independent November 2, 1952 and Irish Independent November 10, 1952.)

Last update: 2/8/03; 8:07:49 AM.