Thursday, April 29, 2004


Posted here Thursday, April 29, 2004 at 3:56:08 PM    

Some good points by Lewis

http://www.theatlantic.com/unbound/interviews/int2004-04-29.htm

 In the old order, the traditional Islamic Middle Eastern society was certainly authoritarian, but it was not despotic or dictatorial. It was a limited autocracy in which the power of the ruler, the Sultan or the Shah or the Pasha, whoever he might be, was limited both in theory and in practice. It was limited in theory by the Holy Law—the Divine Law to which the ruler was subject no less than the meanest of his slaves. It was also limited in practice by the existence of strong entrenched interests in society. You had the merchants of the bazaar, powerful guilds. You had the country gentry. You have the bureaucratic establishment, the military establishment, and the religious establishment. Each of these groups produced their own leaders—leaders who were not appointed by the State, who were not paid by the State, and who were not answerable to the State. These, therefore, formed a very important constraint on the autocracy of government.

Then came the process of modernization or Westernization, which for practical purposes are the same thing. It enormously increased the power of the central government by placing at its disposal the whole modern apparatus of surveillance and control: first the telegraph, later the telephone; the possibility of moving troops quickly, first by train then by truck or by plane. So the central government was able to assert itself and enforce its will even in remote provinces in a way that was inconceivable in earlier times. The effect of this was to weaken or even eliminate those intermediate powers that limited the autocracy of government.

When people look at the kind of regime that was operated by Saddam Hussein and say, "Well, that's how they are, that's their way of doing things," it is simply not true. I mean, that kind of dictatorship has no roots in either the Arab or the Islamic past. It, unfortunately, is the consequence of Westernization or modernization in the Middle East.

Certainly there is a Fascist element in the Islamic world, but it's not in the religious fundamentalists. It's rather in people like Saddam Hussein and his regime and the Syrian regime. These were directly based on the Fascist regimes. We can date it with precision: in 1940, the French government capitulated and a collaborationist regime was established in Vichy. The rulers of the French colonial empire had to decide whether they would stay with Vichy, or rally to De Gaulle. And they made various decisions. Syria and Lebanon were at that time under French mandate, and these French officials stayed with Vichy, so Syria and Lebanon became a center of Axis propaganda in the Middle East. That was when real Fascist ideas began to penetrate. There were many translations and adaptations of Nazi material into Arabic. The Ba'ath party, which dates from a little after that period, came in as a sort of Middle Eastern clone of the Nazi party and, a little later, the Communist party.

But that has nothing to do with Islam. The Islamists' approach is quite different from that and has its roots in the history of Islam. Though, of course, it is also influenced by outside ideas. I would not call it Fascist. I would say it is certainly authoritarian and shares the hostilities of the Fascists rather than their doctrines

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You mention that the reason that the Arab-Israeli conflict appears to be the central preoccupation in the Arab world is that it's the only local political grievance that people can discuss freely in the open forum.

It is the licensed grievance. In countries where people are becoming increasingly angry and frustrated at all the difficulties under which they live—the poverty, unemployment, oppression—having a grievance which they can express freely is an enormous psychological advantage


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Posted here Thursday, April 29, 2004 at 1:12:44 PM    

What is the possibility that the use of materials to create havoc, usually called terrorism, is actually passé. The whole can be seen as an episode, perhaps starting somewhere between 1945 and 1990. The problem is that the way our own leaders bought into it made it worse - by showing its efficacy. And, a big and, it drove other issues off the front page: environment, the fate of marginalized people, the problem of children, the direction for a healthy world economy beyond market voting, and prevented people from feeling the calm to have decent lives. But most importantly it has kept us from seeing the world that creates the motive for terror.

The current theory is that failed states breed terror (the terror map), but the reality is surely more complex. Tim McVeigh did not live in a failed state. Unless we broaden our concerns to real social issues.


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Posted here Thursday, April 29, 2004 at 11:38:28 AM    

Picked up at www.agonist.com 

This builds on the previous, note  the increasing marginalization while averages go up.

http://www.dailystar.com.lb/article.asp?edition_id=10&;categ_id=2&article_id=3012

BEIRUT: Extreme poverty in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has decreased by more than half over the course of the last two decades, a recent World Bank report revealed. But although faring comparatively well by developing region standards, MENA is far from achieving its potential. Persistent unemployment, poor governance and slow economic growth are marginalizing a growing part of the population, which subsist on a mere $2 a day.

 


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Posted here Thursday, April 29, 2004 at 10:21:33 AM    

What to do with the poorest? Bring them into the economy is one view. But is this a story of good, or full of problems just off stage?

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/04/29/international/asia/29MICR.html?hp

But the group's leaders say the microcredit industry needs to try new approaches to help the poorest people. They have coupled small loans with skills training and grants of food. And they are experimenting When the dynamic Ms. Akhter got her first loan, for $50, she said she already had $250 saved from working as a cook and raising chickens, the family trade. "I thought I could increase my capital by taking the loan," she said. She invested it in a calf she later sold for $100. Her next $80 — borrowed at 27 percent interest — she loaned out at more than triple that rate.

and, thinking it through, some policy changes

But now it has entirely dropped the use of loans in one pilot program for "ultrapoor" women. BRAC gives them goats or cows to raise, coupled with training and health care, rather than burdening them with debts they cannot repay.

None of the poverty-stricken women who sat under a palm tree in Mochahata village on a recent morning had ever dared to apply for a microloan. One woman's pierced nose hole was empty because she had already been forced to sell her gold stud for money. Another's 9-year-old son pedaled a rickshaw for 50 cents a day to keep the family fed.

But they eagerly joined BRAC's new program — and were pleased to see their fast-breeding goats multiply. They were still so poor that their bodies seemed little more than collections of bones beneath worn saris, but their new assets offered hope.

"I had nothing, nobody," said Mina, who worked as a maid for payment in rice after her husband abandoned her. "I was scared to become a member of BRAC. I was too poor to repay a loan. But now that I'm getting goats free, I'm interested."


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