Thursday, June 24, 2004


Posted here Thursday, June 24, 2004 at 4:05:06 PM    

Foreign Affiars articles


A Global Power Shift in the Making
James F. Hoge, Jr.
Global power shifts happen rarely and are even less often peaceful. Washington must take heed: Asia is rising fast, with its growing economic power translating into political and military strength. The West must adapt -- or be left behind.
Read


Seeing the Forest
Eugene Linden, Thomas Lovejoy, and J. Daniel Phillips
Experience has shown that piecemeal efforts to protect tropical forests cannot do the job. Conservationists must rethink their approach, implementing conservation on a continental scale, and fast.
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Strengthening African Leadership
Robert I. Rotberg
Poor leadership has been the depressing norm in Africa for decades. But as a bold new initiative by a group of past and present African leaders takes off, good governance may finally come to the continent.
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Beyond Kyoto
John Browne
Global warming is real and needs to be addressed now. Rather than bash or mourn the defunct Kyoto Protocol, we should start taking the small steps to reduce carbon dioxide emissions today that can make a big difference down the road. The private sector already understands this, and its efforts will be crucial in improving fossil fuel efficiency and developing alternative sources of energy. To harness business potential, however, governments in the developed world must create incentives, improve scientific research, and forge international partnerships.
Read


The Myth Behind China's Miracle
George J. Gilboy
Washington need not worry about China's economic boom, much less respond with protectionism. Although China controls more of the world's exports than ever before, its high-return high-tech industries are dominated by foreign companies. And Chinese firms will not displace them any time soon: Beijing's one-party politics have bred a timid business culture that prevents domestic firms from developing key technologies and keeps them dependent on the West.
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History and the Hyperpower
Eliot A. Cohen
Whether or not the United States today should be called an empire is a semantic game. The important point is that it resembles previous empires enough to make the search for lessons of history worthwhile. Overwhelming dominance has always invited hostility. U.S. leaders thus must learn the arts of imperial management and diplomacy, exercising power with a bland smile rather than boastful words.
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A Republican Foreign Policy
Chuck Hagel
The war on terrorism must top the U.S. foreign policy agenda -- but it cannot be waged without also attending to the broader crisis in the developing world. Recognizing this, a Republican foreign policy should be guided by seven principles that seek to encourage stability, expand democracy, and strengthen key alliances. Above all, Washington must recognize that U.S. leadership depends as much on principle as it does on the exercise of power.
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Saving Iraq From Its Oil
Nancy Birdsall and Arvind Subramanian
Of all the pressing questions facing Iraq today, perhaps the most important in the long run is what to do with the country's oil. Vast wealth from natural resources can often be a curse, not a blessing, corrupting a nation's political and economic institutions and impeding the growth of democracy. There is only one way for Iraq to resist the oil curse: by handing over the proceeds directly to the Iraqi people.
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Containing Iraq: Sanctions Worked
George A. Lopez and David Cortright
The failure to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq has prompted much handwringing over the problems with prewar intelligence. Too little attention has been paid, however, to the flip slide of the picture: that the much-maligned UN-enforced sanctions regime actually worked. Contrary to what critics have said, we now know that containment helped destroy Saddam Hussein's war machine and his capacity to produce weapons.
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Building Entrepreneurial Economies
Carl J. Schramm
The "Washington consensus" approach to development -- which urges other countries to emulate American capitalism -- misses one vital ingredient: the role that entrepreneurs play. Jump-starting growth in the developing world will require an understanding of the American entrepreneurial system, which involves four sectors of the economy.
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China's Hidden Democratic Legacy
Orville Schell
China is finding it ever more difficult to straddle the divide between its anachronistic political system and its booming market economy. A reconsideration of the country's political future must come soon. Fortunately, China can find guidance in its own history: a previous generation of reformers who sought to balance the imperatives of modernity with the best aspects of Chinese tradition.
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Berlin to Baghdad: The Pitfalls of Hiring Enemy Intelligence
Timothy Naftali
Washington wants to hire ex-Baathists to help rebuild Iraq. The CIA's experience using ex-Nazis to run West Germany's intelligence service should give it pause.
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First Principals
Walter Russell Mead
Ron Chernow's new biography examines Alexander Hamilton's role in the founding of the American republic and his contribution to its conflictual political culture.
Read


The Unsettled West
Joshua Kurlantzick
Three new books detail Xinjiang's long history of oppression. As they show, Beijing's rule there has always been harsh -- but never so bad as in the last few years.
Read


The Fire Last Time
Scott Snyder
Going Critical offers an insiders' view of the deal struck with North Korea in 1994 and a core lesson for the Bush administration: there's no substitute for negotiation.
Read


Warlords as Stakeholders
Kimberly Zisk Marten
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Abnormal Demographics
Mark Lawrence Schrad
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Understanding Saddam
John Mueller
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Previous Issue: May/June 2004



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Posted here Thursday, June 24, 2004 at 2:38:17 PM    

Important to be reminded..

The events of 9/11 led American policymakers to shape a dramatically new strategic outlook and response. As many commentators pointed out, it was not obvious that the right response was to declare that the United States was in a war on terror. As Nicholas Lemann wrote in The New Yorker in September 2002, "That phrase . . . framed the way people think about how the United States is reacting to the September 11th attacks so completely, that the idea that declaring and waging war on terror was not the sole, inevitable, logical consequence of the attacks just isn't in circulation."

quoted in

http://bostonreview.net/BR29.2/gambetta.html

which has

The perils that the terrorists pose to our lives and liberties lie as much in the Western governments' response as in the damage they can directly cause. We should of course distrust politicians who lie and exaggerate the facts to suit their agendas. But the questionable rationality of the post-9/11 mindset and of the strategic approach it has induced-which may well outlast the Bush administration-poses far more serious and consequential problems for all of us than propaganda or low-level conspiracies. 

 


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Posted here Thursday, June 24, 2004 at 1:08:06 PM    

We like to think that everything was ok until..(which implies the elegance of a ":return")

So, looking at Kosovo..

By DIANE JOHNSTONE

For U.S. politicians, if all wars are good, some are better than others. Democrats prefer Clinton wars and Republicans prefer Bush wars. But in the end, they almost unanimously come together to support all wars. The differences concern the choice of official rationale..

To suggest subtle criticism of the Republican war against Iraq, while making it clear that they are by no means opposed to war as such, the 2004 Democratic election campaigners can be expected to glorify the Kosovo war. The prominence of General Wesley Clark in the Democratic camp makes that quite clear.


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Posted here Thursday, June 24, 2004 at 12:58:51 PM    

social networking

Wanted: New Friend, Must Have Bluetooth

Wed Jun 23, 2004 12:31 PM ET

<http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?

SINGAPORE (Reuters) - Student Gracinia Lim has made new friends thanks to mobile phone software that alerts her to compatible people nearby.

She is an early customer of a service in Singapore called BEDD that uses Bluetooth wireless communications to scan strangers' phones for their personal profiles.

The application joins a swelling number of Internet and mobile phone based services that offer to widen people's social networks.

Users download the BEDD software into a compatible phone, complete a short profile of themselves and include a description of who they want to befriend, or an item they want to buy or sell.

The software automatically searches for and exchanges profiles with other phones that come within a 20-meter (65 ft) radius. Matched users are given each other's contact details.

"I've become close with people that I've never known before, built up a close clique of friends whom I chill out with, sleep over at their homes and go for late suppers with," said Lim, 19.


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Posted here Thursday, June 24, 2004 at 12:54:47 PM    

Watch house hearing on Iran live at

http://www.c-span.org/watch/index.asp?Cat=TV&;Code=CS

channel 3


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Posted here Thursday, June 24, 2004 at 12:45:35 PM    

Thinking through the Clinton administration is much in the air. Is Bush a conrinuation, a shift, or what? Arre the rpoeblems we now have prepared earlier (Reagan, Bush 1, but also our bully attitude going way back, Phillipines, Alamo, and...)

http://balkin.blogspot.com/2004/06/why-did-right-hate-clinton.html

Clinton was hated not simply because of who he was but because of the structure of political forces that brought him into power and defined his presidency.

Boot points out that "Clinton's presidency ("The era of big government is over!") essentially ratified the huge transformations wrought by Ronald Reagan." Put more correctly, Clinton understood that the Democrats could get back in the White House if they appealed to parts of the coalition of voters that had elected Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush. And so he set out consciously to do that. He fractured the existing winning coalition by producing a combination of economic policies designed to appeal to middle class voters while accepting certain elements of the values agenda that had played so well for the Republicans. He focused on issues like crime and welfare, emphasized his populist roots and religious sensibilities, while at the same time maintaining strong ties to secularism, feminism, and civil rights. In this way Clinton threatened to create a new winning coalition by borrowing the rhetoric of his political opponents and becoming a more "Republican version" of a Democrat.

You might think that Republicans would welcome such a candidate. Well, many independent and moderate republican voters did. But Republican politicians, and the conservative base of the party did not. They believed that Clinton was a Democrat who stole their ideas and rhetoric, and was secretly committed to promoting a liberal secular agenda. He was trying to put one over on the American public. Moreover, Clinton gained the White House at a time when Republicans believed that theirs was the "natural party of government," to use a phrase sometimes associated with the British Conservative Party. They had put together an effective coalition of interests that had dominated Presidential politics for some time. Who was this upstart to keep them out of the White House? So for many members of the Republican base, Clinton was easy to hate. He was a liberal wolf in sheep's clothing and he had no right to take the Presidency from the party it rightfully belonged to.

Clinton is not the first President of this type. In fact, there have been at least three in our nation's history: They are Clinton, Grover Cleveland, and Richard Nixon. Cleveland co-opted economic elements from the Republican Party and became the first Democrat to win the White House since the Civil War, taking the Presidency from the natural party of government since Reconstruction, that is, the Republicans. Cleveland actually won the popluar vote three times, but was denied the presidency the second time because he lost the electoral college. Nixon also co-opted wide swaths of the Democratic liberal domestic agenda while forming a new coalition that split apart traditional Democratic constituencies. Just as conservatives did not trust Clinton, liberals did not trust what was then called the "New" Nixon. He was a conservative wolf in sheep's clothing, who had stolen the White House from the party that had dominated it since 1932. (I'll get to Eisenhower in a moment, don't worry).

...

All of these reasons suggest that George W. Bush's Presidency has structural features that are similar to those of Clinton's, Nixon's and Cleveland's Presidencies. That means that we should expect that his political opponents will hate him quite fiercely, and that they will attack him through scandals and attacks on his character.
Whether those attacks succeed (or, equally important, whether they should succeed) in any particular case depends on a whole host of factors, including, among others, whether the President really does have serious character flaws and whether he really does have something to hide. We should not assume that because all of these Presidents were hated that they were equally flawed and equally culpable. Rather, I'm trying to get a handle on the sturctural features of American politics that would produce this level of hatred and these sorts of attacks.


 


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Posted here Thursday, June 24, 2004 at 9:58:24 AM    

The nature of the handover is on our minds. Two main issues: how much sovereignty? What Security, and what foreign relations?  Results: fundamentalists? Iran? Israel? Pakistan? Oil? Life for ordinary Iraqis?
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Posted here Thursday, June 24, 2004 at 8:32:47 AM    

This is interesting - the tie in between events, just as the anti-trust lawas were first used against unions, so controls on political contributions turn out to limit films.

Fahrenheit 9/11’ ban?
Ads for Moore’s movie could be stopped on July 30

Michael Moore may be prevented from advertising his controversial new movie, “Fahrenheit 9/11,” on television or radio after July 30 if the Federal Election Commission (FEC) today accepts the legal advice of its general counsel.

At the same time, a Republican-allied 527 soft-money group is preparing to file a complaint against Moore’s film with the FEC for violating campaign-finance law.

In a draft advisory opinion placed on the FEC’s agenda for today’s meeting, the agency’s general counsel states that political documentary filmmakers may not air television or radio ads referring to federal candidates within 30 days of a primary election or 60 days of a general election.

 
 

The opinion is generated under the new McCain-Feingold campaign-finance law, which prohibits corporate-funded ads that identify a federal candidate before a primary or general election.

The proscription is broadly defined. Section 100.29 of the federal election regulations defines restricted corporate-funded ads as those that identify a candidate by his “name, nickname, photograph or drawing” or make it “otherwise apparent through an unambiguous reference.”

...

The FEC ruling may also affect promotion of a slew of other upcoming political documentaries and films, such as “Uncovered: The Whole Truth About the Iraq War,” which opens in August, “The Corporation,” about democratic institutions being subsumed by the corporate agenda, or “Silver City,” a recently finished film by John Sayles that criticizes the Bush administration.

Another film, “The Hunting of the President,” which investigates whether Bill Clinton was the victim of a vast conspiracy, could be subject to regulations if it mentions Bush or members of Congress in its ads.


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