Updated: 8/3/2004; 4:41:01 AM.
On media and politics. . .
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Saturday, July 10, 2004

We go to war preemptively on Iraq

Fourth in a series analyzing the reasons we go to war with some groups and not others and the manner in which we stumbled into Iraq.

To read in order:
http://radio.weblogs.com/0137954/2004/06/24.html
http://radio.weblogs.com/0137954/2004/07/01.html
http://radio.weblogs.com/0137954/2004/07/08.html

In the last piece I stated belief that Saddam was extremely dangerous to America and American interests, volatile and threatening to boil over. This danger has been discounted by critics particularly in light of the failure to find any WMD. At the time, I supported the war. My justification, however, was, because of the potential danger and though I went along, I had no sense of the imperative immediacy of the Bush administration. I thought the real problems were a year away and depended on Saddam’s support from France, Germany and Russia. I thought we would go to war soon enough and we would do it with a coalition much like that of 1991, the first gulf war. I was wrong.

From the Bob Woodward book, “Plan of Attack”, we learn, the Bush administration, at the urging of Colin Powell, decided to go to the U.N. It was not the first instinct of his advisers. They, particularly Vice President Cheney, believed the U.N. was weak and incapable of effective action They thought it was possible the U.N. could succeed in reestablishing a containment regime. This was unacceptable. They wanted war and were afraid of being boxed in. This was their particular moral failure. They preferred war to a solution that might have worked. War was their choice in the face of other possibilities. Yet, the president had been convinced, by Powell, of the dangers of going it alone. They decided to put the burden upon the U.N. by insisting that if the U.N. allowed Saddam to flaunt its resolutions it would become irrelevant like the pre WWII League of Nations.

On September 12, 2003 the president made his speech to the U.N. general assembly. Having put the U.N. on notice, he urged the U.S. Congress to pass a resolution authorizing the use of force. The republicans supported their president. Most democrats went along, some for purposes of politics, some out of true belief. Many from both parties now profess that they didn’t mean to give the president a blank check and they expected the U.N. to be a major part of any operation.

When we started building up our forces in the region, I thought we were leaders of the eventual U.N.coalition that would complete the job of ousting Saddam Hussein. As it became more and more clear that we were not going to get support from the security council, I went along with those who were questioning the validity of the U.N. in such matters. I believed that the historic European tendency toward appeasement was dominating the security council and that the U.S. by acting alone would shame them into getting on board. I was wrong.

The three Amigos of Europe, France Germany and Russia hardened their positions. (We have since learned of corruption in the oil for food program on a scale that could certainly have influenced the policy of these countries, but that is speculation on my part) We were isolated and our troops were hanging out the in Kuwait, on alert. Their presence became one of the forces driving us to war.

The U.N. agreed only to demand another regime of weapons inspectors and Saddam gave in. Hans Blix, the chief U.N. inspector found, no WMD, but repeatedly accused Saddam of failing to cooperate. The U.S. went back to the U.N. Colin Powell gave his now discredited speech about WMD intelligence, still the security council failed to pass a resolution authorizing the use of force. Using previous U.N. resolutions far weaker than they wished, the Bush administration, along with the British and a bevy of small nations, “the coalition of the willing”, went to war. We all know the results.

The personal instincts of the president and his advisors to go to war proceeded because world events, which they largely manipulated, had given them the tiniest margin of cover, the smallest permission. That small sliver of permission consisted of the of the lack of a security council resolution condemning the U.S. for its actions.

Next, the fallout


6:21:16 AM    comment []

© Copyright 2004 Melvyn Polatchek.
 
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