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Tuesday, October 25, 2005

James Moore: One Time, One Night in America.

As our country anticipates the beginnings of what we hope will be justice for the leaders who betrayed us, I wanted to remember the soldiers and families who are the greatest victims of the Bush administration's lies. I do not want to lose focus on the fact that politics is more than a parlor game and real humans have died honoring their commitment to our country. No matter what happens, we need to remember this is not simply about the deceptiveness of Karl Rove and the Bush cabal. Patrick Fitzgerald's investigation is primarily about bringing justice to the fallen soldiers of America. They are the reason we all ought to be demanding the truth.

Below is a piece I wrote about a young Marine, husband and father, who died in the opening day of the war, one of the first of the 2000 casualties for our country. This was written a few weeks after he had been killed in a friendly fire incident at al Nasiriyah. I intend to write more tomorrow about my thoughts on any indictments, especially if they name Karl Rove, a man who I have been writing and reporting about for more than 25 years. I am still skeptical that he will judged by the law. But I remain hopeful.

"To save your world you asked this man to die; Would this man, could he see you now, ask why?"

W. H. Auden

In his comfortable home, set on a ridgeline above Tonopah, a surprise awaited Sheriff Wade Lieseke as he returned from his duties in Pahrump, Nevada. Three days of the week, Lieseke lived out of a motel room in Pahrump. Though his home was in Tonopah, on the other side of Nye County, Pahrump was the biggest city in the nation's second largest county. In order to do his job, the sheriff needed to spend a lot of time away from his family. All 18,400 square miles of Nye County, the endless, hazy distances of the Great Basin Desert, were a part of his law enforcement jurisdiction.

On the right hand wall as he entered the house on this particular evening, a shadow box had been hung. In perfect rows, his medals for military service in Vietnam had been placed behind glass, centered on a folded American flag. Lieseke had lost track of the location of his combat decorations. He wasn't ashamed of his service, but it wasn't exactly a time that had given him great happiness, either. The medals had been put away for a reason. Soldiers don't like to be reminded of war.

"I looked at that thing on the wall," he said. "And I knew right away it was Fred. You could just tell he had done it by the perfect rows he had hung the medals in. It was all just so precise, so Fred."

Lieseke's adopted son, Fred Pokorney, Jr., had come home from the Marines for a few days. When he arrived, he had asked Suzy Lieseke where he might find Wade's medals from Vietnam.

"Where'd you get those?" Lieseke asked Pokorney.

"Suzy and I dug them out."

"Why? I had those put away. I never really think about them any more."

"I know," Pokorney answered. "But that's where they need to be. Right there. Where people can see them. You need to be proud."

Wade Lieseke looked at the commendations he had received as a gunner on an attack helicopter. He had served in four of the war's major campaigns, and had been decorated with a National Service Medal, Vietnam Service, Vietnam Campaign, the Army Commendation, an Air Medal, the Purple Heart, and the Vietnam Cross of Gallantry with a Palm Leaf bestowed by the government of South Vietnam. Lieseke knew something of war. Hundreds of Viet Cong had died from his accuracy during fourteen months of flying combat missions. War was not something Wade Lieseke celebrated. He hated it as only a soldier can.

But he was moved by his son's thoughtfulness.

"That's pretty nice," he told Pokorney. "I appreciate you thinking of me like that."

Pokorney smiled. "Yeah, there's just one thing wrong with it."

"Oh? What's that?"

"That."

Pokorney pointed his finger at the U.S. Army Insignia near the top of the shadow box. He had positioned it above a shoulder patch, which he had given to Lieseke, designating the sheriff's military unit; "282nd Assault, Alley Cats Helicopter Company."

"What's wrong with the Army insignia?" Lieseke asked.

"It oughta be the Marines," Pokorney explained. "You should have been a Marine because they're the best."

Fred Pokorney, Jr., obviously, did not come into the world as Wade Lieseke's son. Lieseke, whose physical presence in a room demands almost most as much attention as the six foot, seven inch Pokorney's, first met the future Marine while he was dating Lieseke's daughter, Angie. During his high school years, Fred Pokorney had come to Tonopah with his father. They were living with Fred's aunt, while Fred Pokorney, Sr., worked construction in the mining town. When his aunt died, Fred's father decided to look elsewhere for work. The younger Pokorney, however, did not want to leave Tonopah.

Wade Lieseke invited the young man to come live with his family.

"Sure, you think about what you are doing when the kid is dating your daughter," Lieseke said. "But with Fred, that just wasn't an issue. You just met the kid and you knew he was different, very special. You were in the presence of someone outstanding, and you knew it. You just knew it. Him dating Angie was never a worry. We had our discussions. He knew the kind of behavior I expected. And that's the way he acted. I never had the slightest reason not to trust Fred."

In Tonopah, Fred Pokorney was noticeable. Tall, with green eyes and dark hair, he was a natural athlete. Classmates say he never struggled to fit in with his peers, and became a leader, even though he was quiet, not what many students considered outgoing. On the football team, Pokorney was a big target as a receiver for the quarterback, and a daunting obstacle for running backs to get around when he played defensive end. A teammate said Fred was "always good for at least one touchdown a game." Basketball, though, appeared to more closely fit his physical skills. Whenever the Tonopah Muckers competed, Fred Pokorney always seemed to be in the middle, underneath the basket, clearing out rebounds or dropping in two pointers. During the off season, he spent his time in the high school gymnasium, lifting weights, trying to "put on size" to help attract the interest of college recruiters.

Rarely, if ever, Fred Pokorney spoke of his birth parents. He had told Suzy Lieseke that the last time he saw his mother was at age six, after she had left him abandoned in a shopping mall near Lake Tahoe, and police turned him over to the custody of his biological father. Many people in Tonopah assumed Pokorney's parents were Wade and Suzy Lieseke, even though Fred had lived with them as foster parents. The Lieseke's never formally applied to adopt Fred because, according to Wade, he never felt he needed "a piece of paper to make him my son."

"That's just what he was," Lieseke said. "He was my son."

He was born, however, to a construction worker named Fred Pokorney, Sr., who moved around the west, and his first wife. Around the time he was entering kindergarten, Fred Pokorney's parents divorced. No one in Tonopah ever heard him speak of his mother.

"We always just assumed Fred's birth mother was dead," Suzy Lieseke said. "He never once mentioned her to us, and we didn't pry."

Whatever his childhood hardships were, Pokorney was reluctant to share the experiences even with his closest of friends, and he did not let the past burden his teenaged years. Fred Pokorney excelled in sports, was a fine student, and worked two jobs, at the Mizpah Hotel and an open pit mine. He went about the business of building his own life.

"He was a pretty independent guy," said former high school teammate Mike Grigg. "Rather than sitting and pissing and moaning about it, he was working two jobs. He didn't expect anyone to support him, even in high school. What happenedâo[oe].happened, and he seemed more than confident he could take care of himself."

Grigg, who is a Nevada State Trooper in Tonopah, came across Pokorney during Marine boot camp. They spoke only briefly, but long enough for Grigg to realize Fred Pokorney was driven into the Marines by the same focus he'd had as a high schooler.

"He was far beyond my maturity level when I was going to school," he said. "Most kids tend to be carefree and not pay any attention to the kind of things Fred was dealing with, like work and responsibility. He was down to earth and hardworking. His work ethic was outstanding."

No one admired Fred Pokorney's determination more than Wade Lieseke. Until he was shot, and critically wounded by a Utah prison escapee, the sheriff had not missed a single game in which Fred played football or basketball. The one contest he was unable to attend was the East-West Sertoma Classic in Reno, an All-Star game for high school seniors put together by the Sertoma Club of Reno. In a Las Vegas hospital, Lieseke lay recovering from the damage done by a bullet; a ripped diaphragm, torn lung, and ruptured spleen. When he got out of his patrol car, the flash of the convict's gun prompted Wade Lieseke's adrenalin to stir his combat instincts, and he fired several rounds, killing his attacker. The 1989 incident was later featured on a national, prime time broadcast.

Many weeks later, after he had been released from the hospital, one of the people he depended on the most while his wife Suzy was at work, turned out to be Fred. Pokorney spent his first summer out of high school in Tonopah saving money from his two jobs to help pay for his freshman year in college, and assisting Wade Lieseke in his recovery. Pokorney's goal of attending college, and playing basketball, had been achieved. After an injury during his freshman year, however, Pokorney did not return to the University of Nevada at Las Vegas. He stayed in Tonopah, working construction and the silver mines.

Wade Lieseke noticed Fred had begun talking about joining the military, in particular, the Marines.

"I just kept trying to talk him out of it," Lieseke said. "I wish to hell I had tried harder. I told him if he wanted to join up he should join the Air Force or the Navy, not the Army, and sure not the Marines. It's just too damned dangerous."

As he spoke, Wade Lieseke was having breakfast at a small casino on the north side of Tonopah. The road outside, Veterans' Memorial Highway, sloped north toward Reno, and down from Tonopah's altitude of 6100 feet. Behind the casino's restaurant, on a small plateau, desert wind blew dust across Logan Field; a modest patch of green where Fred Pokorney had run to glory in high school football. Above the conversational clatter of the restaurant, the ping and rattle of slot machines were heard, even during the early morning hours. The air in the lobby was thick with the putrid tang of cigarettes and alcohol, as if small town desperation had become a stench. Lieseke's big hands curled around his coffee cup, and he looked out the window as he spoke, almost too softly to be understood.

"I said Fred, my problem is that the Marines are always the first ones in there, and he said, 'That is the tradition and the history.' And I told him, 'You also have the first opportunity to get killed.'"

Pokorney's determination served him well when he joined the Marines. On visits to Tonopah, Wade Lieseke became convinced that the young man, who had brought an additional, unexpected happiness into his home, was certain to become the first four star general in the Marines, who had not graduated from Annapolis. Fred Pokorney loved being a Marine. He was a part of an organization that appreciated and understood his kind of personal strength, the independence and will that men need to do great things. Fred had cultivated these characteristics within himself, and nothing pleased him more than being around people who valued what he had created. He was home.

After commissioning as an officer, he was stationed at Camp Lejeune, North Carolina. Neither he nor his wife, Chelle, had ever been back east. And once they had settled into the little beige house near the base, their first excursion to explore the East Coast was a trip for a Memorial Day visit to Arlington National Cemetery. Fred had always had a desire to stand in the sacred spot where American soldiers lay in honor. Chelle's grandfather, Air Force Colonel William Schulgen, who had served in World War II, was buried in Arlington, and they both wanted to see his grave and offer their respects.

May 28, 2001 was also the first day for new President George W. Bush to offer Memorial Day remarks at the national cemetery. After laying a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknowns, the president addressed a crowd spread beyond the seating capacity, standing among the tombstones and markers of the dead, listening, as their president tried to convey a context for the loss and sacrifice marked by rows of dead filling the hills along the Potomac River. Out of uniform that day, Fred Pokorney was erect, his chin up above the crowd, as his commander-in-chief spoke.

"It is not in our nature to seek out wars and conflicts," President Bush said. "But whenever they have come, when adversaries have left us no alternative, American men and women have stood ready to take the risks and to pay the ultimate price. People of the same caliber and the same character today fill the ranks of the Armed Forces of the United States. Any foe who might ever challenge our national resolve would be repeating the grave errors of defeated enemies."

Undoubtedly, Fred Pokorney believed his president was talking to him. He was ready. He loved what he was doing. Serving his country in the Marines was the greatest job anyone could ever have. Fred trusted his president. He knew if he ever got orders to go into combat, it was because America was at risk, and he was willing to put his own life up to protect his country. If a Marine cannot trust in his commander-in-chief, he cannot fight in combat. Fred Pokorney believed in America; its principles, its leadership, its unrelenting truths. And he had just heard the president make a solemn vow that America was not going to be seeking out any wars or conflicts. If war came, it was certain to be the result of another nation's aggression.

After the ceremony, Fred and Chelle lingered among the veterans. Many were wearing their combat decorations; gray and changed by death they had seen, the soldiers were, nonetheless, proud of their service. They had done what their country said needed to be done for freedom. Fred Pokorney spoke with many of the veterans. Hearing their stories made him feel a kinship, a connection to something holy. As he walked among the monuments, stood before the gravestones, and listened to the old soldiers, Fred Pokorney felt as though he were among his own kind.

"I want to be buried here someday," he told Chelle. "It's important. And you can be buried on top of me."

After the holiday, back at the base in North Carolina, life for the Pokorneys settled into the daily rituals of work and household. On September 11th, 2001, however, Fred and Chelle and Taylor's days together began to grow tense. America had been attacked, and Fred was a Marine. The consequences of those two facts were obvious, and needed no discussion in the Pokorney house. Months passed, and they heard the talk from Washington about Iraq, and aluminum tubes to build a reactor. Eventually, there was a report in the president's State of the Union speech that Saddam Hussein had tried to acquire uranium from an African country. Even when they attempted to avoid the newspapers and television newscasts, they still heard about Iraq giving assistance to terrorists, maybe even some of those who had attacked the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. The Pokorneys did not dissect the news. They simply knew what it all meant to Fred.

"We aren't real political people," Chelle Pokorney said. "Fred was just doing his duty. I do wish the country had agreed more going into it. I heard about most of this from my husband. Those people needed help, I guess. And we were there for that. I just hope they get whatever it was they wanted from us, freedom or whatever it was."

Back in Tonopah, however, the rhetoric of war was making Wade Lieseke sick with anger. Iraq looked like Vietnam without the trees. Americans would go in, fight and die, and then, ultimately, leave. Iraq was likely, in Lieseke's estimation, to return to the mess it was before the U.S. invaded. He'd seen it in Vietnam. Lieseke wasn't political as a young man, either. When the government said it needed soldiers to help stop the spread of Communism, Wade Lieseke believed in the cause.

"What I know now is that it was all a lie," he said. "I mean, if you're gonna do that, then do it. We got a lot of guys killed, 60,000, and I'm counting the POWs and MIAs that were never heard from. Whether you wanna believe it or not, they're gone. That's over 60,000 killed."

Lieseke has scars on his body from wounds received in Vietnam, and there are others in his head, which no one can see but him. He admits to being dark, too often depressed, thirty three years after leaving Vietnam. There are memories he'd rather not have, the kind of experiences he hoped Fred would be able to avoid as a Marine. The experts call it Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. Wade knows what he is dealing with, though, and often, it is just anger over the lies that sent him to war.

"If we are gonna let the place fall to Communists, why in the hell didn't we do that in the first place?" he asked. "Why did all those U.S. soldiers die? After all these years, what really was the mission? What did you witness all of this death and destruction for? Why did you become a part of this death and destruction? If nothing was gonna change?"

Pretending that attacking Iraq was going to reduce the terrorist threat was just another government deception, as far as Wade Lieseke was concerned. More kids were going to be killed. Nothing was going to be accomplished. The president just needed a war to distract from all of his other problems. Washington leaders always made choices based on factors that had nothing to do with the people who would suffer.

"They've got no feeling or compassion or anything like that, when they make these decisions," Lieseke said, his voice raspy with anger. "They just don't care. Bush says, 'We know we're gonna suffer casualties.' What a cold statement to make. I know that my decision's gonna get a bunch of people killed, but, oh well. And people like that, I say screw you. They view our kids as cannon fodder. That's all. They just don't give a damn."

"Now, you're talking about the president?" he was asked.

"President on down, and all of these elitists he has making these decisions, like Dick Cheney, and the super fucking multi-millionaires sending people into harm's way. Bush has never had a hard day. His children have never known hardship. But it's okay. Those aren't his thoughts when you are getting other peoples' kids killed. It's not a thought when they are getting other peoples' children killed. It's just not a thought."

Fred and Chelle Pokorney had different beliefs than Wade Lieseke. They were convinced Fred's service as a United States Marine was going to make a difference in the lives of oppressed Iraqis, and maybe even stop terrorism. Fred Pokorney's convictions did not falter.

"Fred did believe in what he was doing," Chelle said. "And I never doubted my husband. Never doubted him as a Marine or as a man. He was one of the great ones. He so loved what he was doing. That's all I know how to say. Once you knew Fred, you just knew him, and you trusted him."

The big Marine, though, was human, and he had his own fears. In a February morning of 2003, Fred and Chelle drove through the Carolina pines to the buses, which were to take him and other Marines to ships bound for Iraq. He tried to be light-hearted, issuing Chelle her own set of orders, "Take care of Taylor and don't wreck the car." When they held each other to say good-bye at the base, Fred's broad frame was quivering. Chelle did not know if it was the chill air, or apprehension at what lay across the ocean. She said she had never seen her husband shake before. As he boarded the bus, she had the recognition of something awful, which she wanted to deny, and push out of her mind.

"I did have this feeling," she said. "That I was never going to see him again."

____________________________________________________________________________________________

The tanks had been ordered to move off on a rescue mission. Survivors of the 507th, a maintenance company, were under heavy Iraqi fire and armor was needed for their protection and evacuation. The tanks, however, were expected to be part of the plan to protect the amphibious assault vehicles of Charlie Company as they ran through An Nasiriyah's "ambush alley." Originally, all of the Marine companies were supposed to circumvent the city proper. But Bravo Company had bogged down in the mud to the east, and Alpha and Charlie had suddenly got orders to take two bridges over the Saddam Canal on the north side of the city.

Sergeant William Schaefer of Charlie Company thought he had heard wrong.

"Say again," he said into his radio.

The orders were repeated. Schaefer had not been mistaken. He, like all of the other Marines in Charlie Company, was worried. They felt very vulnerable without the tanks. Their amphibious assault vehicles, known as "traks," were made of heavy aluminum, and were susceptible to rocket propelled grenades and artillery attacks. The design of traks, which was thirty years old, allowed for protective armor plating to be attached. But there was none available when the Marines arrived for preparations in Kuwait. The Pentagon, and the White House's plans for a light, cheap, fast-moving assault, was about to leave the men of Charlie Company unnecessarily exposed to their enemy. Circumstance was also conspiring against the Marines when the tanks were dispatched to rescue the 507th. The tank company had already performed its rescue operations and had returned to the rear for refueling. As it moved up "ambush alley," Charlie Company passed burning U.S. and Iraqi vehicles left over from the fight to save 507th's soldiers.

In one of the vehicles behind Schaefer, 1st Lieutenant Ben Reid, and Second Lieutenant Fred Pokorney, was dodging fire from the warren of buildings in Al Nasiriyah. Body parts of Iraqis were strewn across the road in front of the traks. They saw no one in uniform. Women and teenagers were pointing weapons at the Americans. RPG rounds and machine gun fire poured in from the small structures lining the narrow streets. Pokorney had taken a flesh wound in the arm. The overwhelming diesel smell made the anxious breathing of the men inside their tracked vehicles even more labored and difficult.

After they crossed the bridges over the Saddam Canal, three miles through the city, the battle intensified when they dismounted from their traks. Close air support appeared, and American A-10 Thunderbolts, the Warthog jets were dropping bombs on enemy locations while strafing other positions. An Iraqi RPG, however, hit close enough to Ben Reid and three of his men that two of them were instantly killed, and the third, Fred Pokorney, was laying immobile. Reid, who had been knocked into near unconsciousness, got up and discovered the two had fatal injuries. He did not turn over Pokorney, assuming he had suffered the same fate. But there were no external signs of massive, fatal, trauma.

Before Reid went for help, he told one of his injured men, Jose Garibay, to keep everyone located in one spot. Reid began to run and an explosion, ten to fifteen feet in front of him, threw the young lieutenant into the air. When he landed, Ben Reid was staring at the dirt, and saw a lot of blood dripping from his face onto the ground.

"I was scared," he said. "I thought that was it for me. I almost stayed where I was. I thought about it, anyway. But I got up and continued to run toward the trak."

In the back of the trak, Reid found two of his men, Elliot and Trevino, breaking out packs of ammo. He issued them orders to move to where Garibay and the rest of the wounded were waiting for assistance. They were to get the wounded to the battalion aid station south of the Euphrates River, back through "ambush alley." Reid jumped out of the trak, and looked to the north, trying to see the two mortar crews he had placed in that spot. They were gone. He had no idea where.

"I felt really alone," Reid said. "Then I looked south and saw some guys down by the canal in the prone."

Small arms fire and RPG rounds were filling the air around Reid. He decided to return to Jose Garibay, and the wounded troops, and give them orders to retreat. Reid crouched as he ran down to the canal to tell Garibay a trak was coming over to pick them up, and get everyone to the battalion aid station. His orders to Garibay were to load all of the wounded; no matter how much it hurt. Reid intended to find some help for Garibay, and the injured men.

He moved in the direction of the Marines he had seen lying along the canal. An explosive thud of some kind knocked him backwards, slightly. Reid said he didn't think anything of it. His gunnery sergeant and several other Marines were staying low, off of the elevated road, to avoid being hit by intensifying Iraqi fire. Reid, who must have seemed disoriented, and in shock, was pulled to the ground by Gunnery Sergeant Blackwell.

"See if my eye is still in my head," he asked Blackwell.

"Yeah, I think so. Looks like it," he was told. Initially, none of the troops recognized Reid. The Marines broke out their first aid kits and began to treat the lieutenant.

"I guess I started doing a sanity check on myself," Reid said. "I realized I had no Kevlar or gas mask, guess they had been blown off. I also had lost my maps and binos. Don't know what happened to those. I noticed right then they [Blackwell and other Marines] were worried about something."

The gunnery sergeant saw the A-10 first, according to Reid. The jet, designed for close combat support, made a strafing gun run along the canal and the elevated road, and opened up with its 30 millimeter cannon, which are capable of firing 3900 rounds per minute.

An American aircraft was firing on American Marines.

"It's the first time any of us have been in combat, sir," Ben Reid explained. "And remember, we don't train together, [with Air Force.] They probably thought we were an enemy mechanized force. They probably saw our injured going south through the city, and assumed we were Iraqis. I'm not sure."

The A-10 had made other passes through the area, and Gunnery ry Sergeant Blackwell and the men gathered with him along the canal were very nervous. Even in his own battered state of consciousness, Reid was aware of that much. He saw the men had "kept their attention focused up in the air."

"I remember gunny [Gunnery Sergeant] being very worried about the Air Force support in the area," Reid recalled. As the plane made its run, Reid looked in the direction of where he had left his injured troops. They did not get hit by the A-10's hail of cannon fire because they were gone, evacuated, he hoped, to an aid station. But Fred Pokorney, who might have still been alive, and the two others who had been killed in action, were lying out in the open.

"Fred was not put on a trak," Reid explained. "He was still on the ground, and I assume still up in that area. I'm not saying he got hit by the A-10. I don't know, and I don't know if he was still alive or not."

One thing Reid did know, however, when he had looked at Pokorney before running for assistance, was that he did not see any massive trauma to the Marine's body. At least two published reports suggested Pokorney had been hit in the chest by a rocket propelled grenade. If so, Reid was certain to have seen extensive physical damage to Pokorney. But he did not. Ultimately, Pokorney's wounds were determined to be so traumatic that his family did not view his body. Much of his torso was reportedly gone, as was an arm, and part of his face and head. These are the types of massive wounds Reid was certain to have noticed, if they had happened when the RPG round landed, apparently injuring Pokorney, and killing two others. Since Pokorney showed no visible external wounds when Reid saw him after the RPG explosion, he might have still been alive. He was almost certainly riddled with 30 millimeter bullets from the A-10 as he lay on the ground. Either way, Fred Pokorney, who had put himself at risk to call in artillery rounds on a radio with poor reception, in a defective military communications network, was now killed in action.

"I saw the A-10 come in from the north to the south," Reid explained. "And I saw it fire up the east side of the road, about 85 meters from where I was with the gunny. I remember seeing the big, green tracers skipping off some of the parked tracks. The A-10 also dropped a bomb on a building several hundred meters to the east of us."

Reid stumbled to the other side of the road, and was placed inside of a trak for treatment of his injuries. A bullet entrance wound, but no exit, was visible in his shoulder. Reid had no memory of being shot. Captain Dan Wittnam stuck his head in the track where Reid was being bandaged, and ordered the Marines to get back on the east side of the road. Wittnam, along with another Marine, set up with the M249 Squad Automatic Weapons, and the wounded stumbled between their suppressing fire to reach safety. Reid, who said he had "a rough time seeing and was pretty tired," was helped across the road by Corporal Pedersen. Another amphibious trak arrived and Reid was placed in the back with a number of other injured Marines.

All of the Marines were in shock from being shot at by their own Air Force.

Wittnam, a 33-year-old who was a Charlie Company commander, said, "The earth went black from dirt being kicked up. And a feeling of absolute, utter horror and disbelief."

The A-10, though, had not completed its mission. Corporal Jared Martin heard the jet, and watched it approach.

"He was low. He was coming right toward us. The next thing I know, I'm feeling a lot of heat in my back."

Martin's right hand and left knee began bleeding. He had a piece of shrapnel stuck below an eye, and his fingers didn't feel right, as if they were "just dangling."

Martin, and Lance Corporal Edward Castleberry, was not far from Lance Corporal David Fribley, who was next to his trak.

"I'm turning around screaming at him, telling him to get in," said Castleberry, who was the driver of the trak. "He was trying to climb in, he's got one arm trying to get in, and he just takes a huge round directly through his chest, and it blew out his whole back."

26-six-year old Lance Corporal David Fribley was killed instantly. Flesh and viscera from the fallen Marine flew onto Jared Martin's clothing.

"I wore what was inside of his body on my gear for a couple of days," Martin said.

Finally, the tanks that had been dispatched to rescue soldiers of the 507th Maintenance Company returned to the north bridge over the Saddam Canal and began firing their 120 millimeter cannons at the Iraqis. Malfunctioning pumps had delayed their refueling, which was cut short when word came that Charlie Company was pinned down in a firefight. The armored tanks with their big guns, the weapons that were originally supposed to protect Alpha and Charlie Companies as they took the bridges over the Saddam Canal, had, at least, showed up to help some of them escape with their lives.

The Iraqi attack was suppressed, and helicopters were allowed into the area to medevac the wounded. Lt. Ben Reid, who had been lying in the back of a track for thirty minutes and talking to other injured soldiers, vaguely remembered being loaded onto a CH-46, the giant twin rotor helicopter that took him back to a shock trauma hospital in Jalibah. The bodies of the dead, including Lt. Fred Pokorney's, were removed after the wounded.

Pokorney's father, Wade Lieseke, will tremble with anger all of his life.

"I'm not an emotional person on a lot of things," he said. "But this is just such total bullshit. This is just such a horrible waste, and it didn't need to happen, and that's the frustration of this. He's a young man who didn't need to die. We didn't need to waste all of his talents on fuckin' Iraq, and he's blown to bits.

"But that's the worst memory, knowing how he died. This beautiful person that we knew, was blown apart, literally blown apart, and for what? He died that horrible death and left all these things behind; his beautiful daughter, his beautiful wife, a life that would have been nothing but success. They'd had a good life, and now there's nothing."

Lieseke snapped his fingers.

"And now it's over."

Everything had ended for Fred Pokorney, and brutally. But for his family, the horror of George W. Bush's war was just beginning.

"Fred died a hero," Wade Lieseke said. "But he's still dead."

And as he had wished, 1st Lt. Fred Pokorney is buried in Arlington National Cemetery.
8:08:44 PM    comment []


Arianna Huffington: Plamegate: Worse than Watergate.

It's getting hard to keep track of all the lies we've been told. Here's a quick cheat sheet:

We now know that Cheney lied to the American people about his involvement in the effort to smear Joe Wilson.

Three months after reportedly receiving a briefing about Wilson's trip to Niger from George "Slam Dunk" Tenet, and then telling Scooter Libby that Plame may have helped arrange her husband's trip, the Vice President went on national TV and told Tim Russert he didn't have a clue about the situation: "I don't know Joe Wilson. I don't know who sent Joe Wilson. I have no idea who hired him and it never came up".

We now know that Karl Rove lied about his involvement, too.

Back in September 2003, when Rove was asked if he had"any knowledge" about the Plame leak, he answered with an unambiguous "No"?.

Since then, we've learned that Rove was actually up to his Turd Blossom in Plamegate, discussing Plame and her role at the CIA with Matt Cooper and Bob Novak, and taking part in what a source familiar with his four visits to the grand jury characterized as"an aggressive campaign to discredit Wilson through the leaking and disseminating of derogatory information regarding him and his wife".

We now know that Scooter Libby also lied about his involvement.

Libby told Pat Fitzgerald that he first learned Plame's identity from Tim Russert. But his own notes show that it was actually his boss, Dick Cheney, who first clued him in about Plame. (Russert, of course, has said he learned of Plame's identity by reading Novak's column, but that's a conundrum for another blog!).

And we now know that Rove and Libby also lied to Scott McClellan, who then -- knowingly or not -- lied to reporters about the two men's involvement.

When pressed today about the fact that in October 2003 he had "categorically" assured reporters that Rove and Libby "were not involved" in the Plame leak, McClellan made it clear that he was just passing on "the assurances that I had received on that"?. In other words, I only lied to you because they lied to me.

Potential Bonus Presidential Lie: In June 2004, when asked whether he stood by his promise to fire anyone found to have leaked Plame's identity, President Bush (taking a cue from Rove) answered with an unambiguous"Yes"?. But the New York Daily News reports that Bush knew that Rove was involved in the leak two years ago. So why, a year later, was he still acting like he had no idea who'd been involved?

Let's put aside the legal arguments for a moment and just focus on this glut of lying. Clearly, these guys knew that what they were up to should be kept in the shadows. Hence Rove's desire to have his conversation with Cooper be kept on "double super secret background", his self-assessment that he'd "already said too much" to Cooper, and Libby's request that Judy Miller identify him as a"former Hill staffer"? instead of the usual"senior administration official"?.

Cheney, Rove, and Libby obviously felt that their actions had to be covered up.

But what they were covering up was much more than the outing of Valerie Plame. They were covering up the way the White House had used lies and deception to lead us into a war that was reckless and unnecessary -- what Lt. Gen. William Odom, National Security Agency director under Reagan, has called "the greatest strategic disaster in United States history"?.

The reason why Cheney, Rove, and Libby were so aggressive in attacking anyone who questioned their rationale for war is because, by the summer of 2003, it was becoming embarrassingly clear how wrong they had been about Iraq -- wrong about WMD, wrong about flowers thrown at our feet, wrong about the cost of the war. Had their incompetence not been so grotesquely manifest, there would have been no need for the attack on Wilson -- and the resulting coverup -- that has now landed them all in such legal hot water.

If Rove and Libby are indeed indicted (adding Cheney to our Merry Fitz-mas gift list would just be getting greedy), I believe it will shake up our government in a way we haven't seen since Watergate.

To borrow a phrase from that era, let me make myself perfectly clear: I'm not saying that Plamegate is the same as Watergate. I'm saying it's worse. Much, much worse. No one died as a result of Watergate, but 2,000 American soldiers have now been killed and thousands more wounded to rid the world of an imminent threat that wasn't.

Could there be anything bigger?

After getting a fumbling cipher like George W. Bush elected president, the powers-behind-the-throne must have believed they were untouchable and could get away with anything -- including lying about WMD, outing a CIA agent, and, perhaps, lying to a special prosecutor.

Like Nixon, their mindset was "if you try to get in our way we'll destroy you"?. (See how quickly those keep-us-safe national security guys were willing to jeopardize an intelligence asset in the name of covering their asses.) And their hubris caused them to over-reach.

Like my old Greek pal Icarus, they flew too close to the sun, and now it looks like they, and their multitude of lies, are about to come crashing down.

[The Huffington Post | Full Blog Feed]
6:53:05 PM    comment []

Flashback to 6/10/99:.

“Texas Gov. George W. Bush said Tuesday that he would have voted to impeach President Clinton over the Monica Lewinsky scandal. ‘I would have voted for it. I thought the man lied,’ he said.” (Via TalkLeft)

[Think Progress]
1:53:23 PM    comment []

U.S. pays $1 m for 7 'lemon' cars in Iraq. U.S. pays $1 m for 7 'lemon' cars in Iraq [The Raw Story | A rational voice - Alternative news]
1:51:37 PM    comment []

The White House Cabal

by Lawrence B. Wilkerson

In President Bush's first term, some of the most important decisions about U.S. national security [~] including vital decisions about postwar Iraq [~] were made by a secretive, little-known cabal. It was made up of a very small group of people led by Vice President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.

When I first discussed this group in a speech last week at the New American Foundation in Washington, my comments caused a significant stir because I had been chief of staff to then-Secretary of State Colin Powell between 2002 and 2005.

But it's absolutely true. I believe that the decisions of this cabal were sometimes made with the full and witting support of the president and sometimes with something less. More often than not, then-national security advisor Condoleezza Rice was simply steamrolled by this cabal.

Its insular and secret workings were efficient and swift [~] not unlike the decision-making one would associate more with a dictatorship than a democracy. This furtive process was camouflaged neatly by the dysfunction and inefficiency of the formal decision-making process, where decisions, if they were reached at all, had to wend their way through the bureaucracy, with its dissenters, obstructionists and "guardians of the turf."

But the secret process was ultimately a failure. It produced a series of disastrous decisions and virtually ensured that the agencies charged with implementing them would not or could not execute them well.

I watched these dual decision-making processes operate for four years at the State Department. As chief of staff for 27 months, I had a door adjoining the secretary of State's office. I read virtually every document he read. I read the intelligence briefings and spoke daily with people from all across government.

I knew that what I was observing was not what Congress intended when it passed the 1947 National Security Act. The law created the National Security Council [~] consisting of the president, vice president and the secretaries of State and Defense [~] to make sure the nation's vital national security decisions were thoroughly vetted. The NSC has often been expanded, depending on the president in office, to include the CIA director, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Treasury secretary and others, and it has accumulated a staff of sometimes more than 100 people.

But many of the most crucial decisions from 2001 to 2005 were not made within the traditional NSC process.

Scholars and knowledgeable critics of the U.S. decision-making process may rightly say, so what? Haven't all of our presidents in the last half-century failed to conform to the usual process at one time or another? Isn't it the president's prerogative to make decisions with whomever he pleases? Moreover, can he not ignore whomever he pleases? Why should we care that President Bush gave over much of the critical decision-making to his vice president and his secretary of Defense?

Both as a former academic and as a person who has been in the ring with the bull, I believe that there are two reasons we should care. First, such departures from the process have in the past led us into a host of disasters, including the last years of the Vietnam War, the national embarrassment of Watergate (and the first resignation of a president in our history), the Iran-Contra scandal and now the ruinous foreign policy of George W. Bush.

But a second and far more important reason is that the nature of both governance and crisis has changed in the modern age.

From managing the environment to securing sufficient energy resources, from dealing with trafficking in human beings to performing peacekeeping missions abroad, governing is vastly more complicated than ever before in human history.

Further, the crises the U.S. government confronts today are so multifaceted, so complex, so fast-breaking [~] and almost always with such incredible potential for regional and global ripple effects [~] that to depart from the systematic decision-making process laid out in the 1947 statute invites disaster.

Discounting the professional experience available within the federal bureaucracy [~] and ignoring entirely the inevitable but often frustrating dissent that often arises therein [~] makes for quick and painless decisions. But when government agencies are confronted with decisions in which they did not participate and with which they frequently disagree, their implementation of those decisions is fractured, uncoordinated and inefficient. This is particularly the case if the bureaucracies called upon to execute the decisions are in strong competition with one another over scarce money, talented people, "turf" or power.

It takes firm leadership to preside over the bureaucracy. But it also takes a willingness to listen to dissenting opinions. It requires leaders who can analyze, synthesize, ponder and decide.

The administration's performance during its first four years would have been even worse without Powell's damage control. At least once a week, it seemed, Powell trooped over to the Oval Office and cleaned all the dog poop off the carpet. He held a youthful, inexperienced president's hand. He told him everything would be all right because he, the secretary of State, would fix it. And he did [~] everything from a serious crisis with China when a U.S. reconnaissance aircraft was struck by a Chinese F-8 fighter jet in April 2001, to the secretary's constant reassurances to European leaders following the bitter breach in relations over the Iraq war. It wasn't enough, of course, but it helped.

Today, we have a president whose approval rating is 38% and a vice president who speaks only to Rush Limbaugh and assembled military forces. We have a secretary of Defense presiding over the death-by-a-thousand-cuts of our overstretched armed forces (no surprise to ignored dissenters such as former Army Chief of Staff Gen. Eric Shinseki or former Army Secretary Thomas White).

It's a disaster. Given the choice, I'd choose a frustrating bureaucracy over an efficient cabal every time.

Lawrence B. Wilkerson served as chief of staff to Secretary of State Colin L. Powell from 2002 to 2005.

© 2005 Los Angeles Times
1:43:50 PM    comment []


More on the Niger Memos.

Laura Rozen's story in the American Prospect today, about Italian intelligence and Niger uranium forgeries, has a lot of twists and turns, but here's the quick version. In late 2001 the CIA had rejected as "suspect" memos peddled by Italian intelligence, SISMI, that suggested that Iraq was trying to acquire uranium from Niger. (The memos are now known to be forgeries.) The Italian government, desperately trying to prove its relevance to the U.S., then tried to get these memos directly to the White House. In September 2002, SISMI chief Nicolo Pollari met with Stephen Hadley, then assistant to Condoleeza Rice and now Bush's National Security Adviser, in Washington. The Niger memos showed up in the U.S. one month later. Rozen gets at why this all matters:

What may be most significant to American observers, however, is the newspaper's allegation that the Italians sent the bogus intelligence about Niger and Iraq not only through traditional allied channels such as the CIA, but seemingly directly into the White House. That direct White House channel amplifies questions about a now-infamous 16-word reference to the Niger uranium in President Bush's 2003 State of the Union address -- which remained in the speech despite warnings from the CIA and the State Department that the allegation was not substantiated.
Moreoever, the Hadley meeting came only a month before Bush's speech in Cincinnati, in which he claimed that Iraq had been caught trying to purchase 500 tons of uranium from Africa. The CIA had told Hadley to strip out the line, and he did, but the White House received the memos on October 9th, and the uranium claim reappeared later on, most infamously in Bush's 2003 State of the Union address. Meanwhile, there's the all-important question of where the memos came from in the first place. Did SISMI really push them on the White House in order to make themselves "relevant," and did the middleman who acquired the memos from a mole in Niger, Rocco Martino, really do it for "mercenary reasons," as is alleged? There's also this from Rozen's story:
According to the Repubblica account, Martino was a former carabinieri officer and later a Sismi operative who by 1999 was making his living based in Luxembourg, selling information to the French intelligence services for a monthly stipend. The story goes on to explain how Martino renewed his contacts with Sismi officer Antonio Nucera, an old friend and former colleague, who was a Sismi vice-captain working in the intelligence agency's eighth directorate, with responsibilities involving weapons of mass destruction and counter-proliferation.

Precisely how Nucera, Martino, and two employees of the Niger embassy in Rome came together sometime between 1999 and 2000 to hatch the Niger forgeries plan is still somewhat mysterious. The newspaper's reports that Nucera introduced Martino to a longtime Sismi asset at the Niger embassy in Rome, a 60 year-old Italian woman described in La Repubblica only as "La Signora." Sismi chief Pollari, who granted the newspaper an interview (as he tends to do when he fears that breaking news could taint his agency), suggests that Nucera simply wanted to help out Martino, his old friend and colleague.

See here and here for more.

[MoJo Blog]
1:22:30 PM    comment []

Rep. John Conyers: Sign My Letter to Bush Demanding No Pardons for Treasongate.

Cross posted at DailyKos

As the Fitzgerald investigation nears its conclusion, I am becoming increasingly concerned that Bush will prevent the exposure of wrongdoing in Treasongate by pardoning any indicted members of his administration before trial. I wrote a letter in July asking the President to pledge not to pardon these persons. I have yet to receive an answer so I have organized a letter writing campaign demanding an answer. Over 4,000 people have already signed so I'd like to generate at least 10,000 letters to Bush.

As some of you may recall, the President's father, President George H.W. Bush, pardoned officials under indictment in the Iran-Contra scandal. Some of those pardoned by Bush Sr. include officials in the present White House, like Elliott Abrahms, as well as others who have been purportedly linked to the falsification of the Niger documents. Those previously indicted and pardoned seem to be nearby when further crimes are committed against our country.

While the White House had publicly promised its full cooperation with the investigation, their strategy has been attack, attack, attack -- most significantly on Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, the prosecutor, the Central Intelligence Agency and the press. Let's make sure that while the administration tries to divert attention away from its culpability, they are forced to pledge that those indicted by Fitzgerald will not be pardoned by the President.

[The Huffington Post | Full Blog Feed]
1:19:09 PM    comment []

Congress 'feels heat' over torture. Congress 'feels heat' over torture [The Raw Story | A rational voice - Alternative news]
1:17:40 PM    comment []

Judge allows torture- gained confession. Judge allows torture- gained confession [The Raw Story | A rational voice - Alternative news]
1:16:03 PM    comment []

Recounting 'Karl and Scooter's Excellent Adventure,' Frank Rich spells out the role of war-drum banging in the 2002 mid-term elections, Nicholas Kristof expresses a distaste for "mushier kinds of indictments," and the Houston Chronicle editorializes on Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison's 'Double Standard.' [Cursor.org]
1:13:44 PM    comment []

Carl Pope: The Emotionally Vulnerable, Distinguished Senator from Alaska.

"I will put the Senate on notice -- and I don't kid people -- if the Senate decides to discriminate against our state, to take money only from our state, I'll resign from this body. "

So ran Senator Ted Steven's response to an effort by his fellow Republican, Oklahoma's Tom Coburn, to reclaim for purposes like restoring New Orleans the $453 million Stevens had earmarked for his two "Bridges to Nowhere," first brought to public attention by the Sierra Club.

Stevens won't have to resign. Only 15 Senators were willing to risk his emotional stability by voting for a proposal of such surpassing common sense that it brought together the Sierra Club and the Heritage Foundation, along with virtually every voice in America outside the DC Beltway and Alaska. I don't think Senator Coburn has ever before supported one of the Sierra Club's initiatives. The Washington Post wrote: "What's most impressive about Mr. Stevens's tantrum is his ability to summon up this degree of righteous indignation -- self-righteous might be more apt -- over the alleged mistreatment of a state that benefits enormously, and disproportionately, from federal spending."

The reality, of course, is that Stevens wasn't really threatening to take his marbles and go home if the Senate had voted with Coburn. He knew that wouldn't happen. But he was warning Senators that if they had the temerity to vote against him, he, as Chair of the Senate Appropriations committee, would ensure that no project, however worthy, in their state would ever again be funded. One of our staff put it this way: "He's going to engrave their names in granite and fill in the grooves with his blood."

Alaska's other Senator, Lisa Murkowski, rose to say that it would be hard for her "not to take it personally" if the funding were shifted from Alaska to Louisiana. I'm sure she's right. Especially when her mother, the wife of Governor Frank Murkowski, who originally appointed his daughter to the Senate, is one of the few private citizens who owns land on Gravina Island, where one of the bridges will land. It's very likely that the value of Mrs. Murkowski's 33 acres will soar if the bridge is ever finished -- even though the ownership is not listed on Governor Murkowski's conflict-of-interest statement. And so, of course, will the value of Senator Murkowski's inheritance. It would be hard not to take that personally.

It's good to know that in a state of such rugged individualists, there's still room for a little federal help. And that family values really, really count in Alaska.

[The Huffington Post | Full Blog Feed]
12:19:29 PM    comment []

© Copyright 2005 Patricia Thurston.



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