Updated: 4/1/08; 9:33:18 AM.
Patricia Thurston's Radio Weblog
        

Sunday, March 16, 2008

consortiumnews.com

Happy Fifth Birthday, DHS!

By Ivan Eland March 15, 2008

Editor[base ']s Note: Many of the [base "]reforms[per thou] that followed 9/11 created the appearance of action while often making matters worse, like the idea that what the U.S. intelligence community needed was another layer of bureaucracy put under tighter political control of the White House.

But the biggest misguided reform may have been to cobble together many federal agencies into one gigantic Department of Homeland Security, which as this guest essay by the Independent Institute[base ']s Ivan Eland observes, just celebrated its fifth birthday:

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) just turned five years old. It seems like it was born just yesterday.

The department[base ']s growing pains have made it a slow learner and a downright ugly child.

Born in an atmosphere of tension and fear, and cobbled together from pieces of other government departments and agencies, the prospects for this Frankenstein offspring were always dim. Yet, as Congress frequently does in times of crisis, the legislative body, in the wake of 9/11, had to be seen as doing something[~]anything[~]to respond to the crisis, even if its actions were ineffective and even counterproductive.

And predictably, the Department of Homeland Security has been a disaster. In the wake of the federal government[base ']s failure to prevent or stop 9/11[~]when the principal problem was the failure of large, slothful security agencies to coordinate against a small, agile terrorist group[~]the last thing the country needed was another ponderous department.

Yet Congress glued together 22 disparate agencies, superimposed another layer of bureaucracy on top of them to manage the new department, astronomically increased the department[base ']s budget to $38 billion per year and its personnel from 170,000 to 208,000 employees, and oversaw the department[base ']s activities with 86 congressional committees and subcommittees.

In creating more bureaucracy to coordinate, Congress never told the American people exactly how security against nimble, non-bureaucratic terrorist groups would be enhanced.

In fact, over its five years, the department has become the butt of jokes for its color-coded terror warning system, grossly incompetent response to Hurricane Katrina, pork-barrel spending, intrusive and largely ineffectual airline security, and expensive security projects gone awry.

Throughout its history, the color-coded warning system seems to just toggle between the mid-levels, orange and yellow, leading to suspicion that it is designed as merely for show, to demonstrate to the American public that their government is ever vigilant against terrorists.

Setting the dial at red would cause everyone to stay locked down in their homes[~]afraid to go to the shopping mall to buoy the faltering economy. If the government were to move the indicator to blue or green and a terrorist attack occurred, fingers would be pointed at DHS for sleeping as the threat worsened.

So the indicator stays between orange and yellow, even though the department has not made clear what the public should do at any of the levels. Most politically damaging to DHS was its abysmal and incompetent response to Hurricane Katrina. Yet many members of Congress became [base "]disgusted[per thou] with the department[base ']s response in New Orleans at the same time they were sending DHS money elsewhere to their own states and congressional districts for useless pork-barrel projects.

Much of DHS spending still spreads the pork to cities and states around the country to help the reelection chances of politicians, rather than sending money to cities that might actually have a remote chance of being hit by a terrorist attack (for example, New York and Washington).

Politics has also been involved in security for air travel. Even if the federal government had done nothing, air security would have improved dramatically after Sept. 11.

Prior to 9/11, airline crewmembers and passengers had been encouraged to cooperate with any airplane hijackers. In many hijackings over the years, a familiar pattern had emerged, wherein the hijackers would at worst shoot a couple of passengers to show they meant business and order the plane to Cuba or some other remote location.

The hijackers[base '] purpose was to draw attention to their cause, and if the crew and passengers played ball, most could expect to live. That paradigm changed drastically on 9/11.

On the fourth plane, apparently the passengers and crew realized that they were being forcibly recruited for a suicide mission that would end not only all of their lives, but potentially those of many more people in any building the plane would hit. Heroically, they evidently got nasty with the terrorists and foiled the hijacking attempt.

Later, a similarly surly crew and passengers famously foiled an attempt by Richard Reid to set his explosive shoes on fire. With far more aggressive passengers and crew [^] having visions of dying in a mass suicidal bombing mission[~]pity (not really) the terrorists who try to take over or destroy a plane in a post-9/11 world.

If this monumental security improvement, which DHS had nothing to do with, was not enough, the department probably could have stopped once it had hardened cockpit doors.

Federalizing airport security checkpoints, making passengers partially disrobe and requiring them to throw away liquid toiletries, provides only marginal security improvement but much passenger frustration. Despite such security [base "]enhancements,[per thou] repeated investigative studies have shown that alarming amounts of contraband still get through the checkpoints undetected.

DHS overinvests in such checkpoint measures because many voters fly and thus are reminded that their government is taking very visible actions (however annoying) to make them safe.

In contrast, less money is spent, for example, on the security of air cargo, ports, or chemical plants, because few voters visit air cargo terminals (or even the baggage compartment of their own plane), the dock where their new Toyota is being delivered, or the factories where the petrochemical ingredients of many consumer products are made.

Once again, DHS[base '] priorities are based more on politics than on actual threats. Finally, the DHS bureaucracy has wasted billions of taxpayer dollars by blowing the development and purchase of many new high-tech security systems.

Even with the excessive emphasis on air security, the department has projected that it could require $22 billion and 16 more years to deploy advanced systems for screening airline baggage, and has been inept at fielding new [base "]puffer devices,[per thou] which blow air on passengers to detect explosives, according to the Washington Post.

At the ports and borders, DHS is also struggling. Granted, the congressional demand that all inbound shipping containers be scanned is unrealistic, unnecessary, and ridiculous, but Congress was reacting to DHS[base '] having put port security on the back burner.

In addition, DHS has proven incompetent in fielding equipment to detect nuclear devices. At the borders, despite prescient warnings by outside experts, the expensive [base "]virtual[per thou] border fence of sensors was so poorly designed that DHS had to pay the contractor to start over, and the first phase of the project may not be completed until 2011.

Finally, the project to track the entry and exit of foreign visitors using photos and fingerprints has been scrapped indefinitely (on the exit side) because of its excessive cost and technological difficulties.

Thus, at the age of five, DHS has all the bureaucratic sclerosis of an octogenarian and is on the road to juvenile delinquency.

Ivan Eland is Director of the Center on Peace & Liberty at The Independent Institute. Dr. Eland has spent 15 years working for Congress on national security issues, including stints as an investigator for the House Foreign Affairs Committee and Principal Defense Analyst at the Congressional Budget Office. His books include The Empire Has No Clothes: U.S. Foreign Policy Exposed, and Putting [base "]Defense[per thou] Back into U.S. Defense Policy.
10:33:08 AM    comment []


Outsider's take on S.F. homelessness - yikes C.W. Nevius Sunday, March 16, 2008

Last week, Christine Oastler came down from Ontario for a vacation. She had a classic San Francisco experience.

She was appalled.

She was hassled by aggressive panhandlers, "scared" by drunken street people, and even spat upon in front of the Metreon shopping center.

"It's stunning to me," she said. "I'm a well-traveled girl. I've been to Europe, the Mediterranean and New York. How can San Francisco, that claims to be this tourist mecca, let this happen?"

Well, you might say, it's a long story. Some of it is institutional, some of it is traditional, and some of it is just that the city has been worn down by constant bickering over this issue. But in another way, Oastler is making a great point. It may be that it takes someone from outside to remind everyone of the big picture.

Not the little stuff - the big, important issue. Because Oastler is right. It is shocking how many people there are on San Francisco's streets.

For the past three years, Anna Morales has been co-supervisor of the San Francisco Police Department's Operation Outreach. She and another manager supervise 21 officers on the street, writing citations for aggressive panhandling, open containers and urination in public.

"I get a couple of dozen e-mails a day," Morales said. "People write to me daily and say, 'Why are we not doing anything?' Well, we are doing something, but nothing happens."

The optimists will say that is changing. But even the smallest progress means aggressive pushback. For instance, hundreds and hundreds of quality-of-life citations are dismissed each year in San Francisco courts.

That's simply a fact. In 2006, Sister Bernie Galvin, executive director of Religious Witness with Homeless People, held a news conference to announce that 80 percent of the so-called quality-of-life citations were dismissed. Her suggestion? Stop issuing those citations.

Or the city could find a way to better process them. At the district attorney's office, Deputy D.A. Paul Henderson has tried to track the citations through the system. He shows up at traffic court to make the city's case, especially in cases of repeat offenders.

The result? When I wrote about James Allen Hill, who had 15 citations but died of a drug overdose in the city library, Henderson was accused of saying that he was blaming, for Hill's death, homeless advocates' attorneys who had battled Hill's citations.

"I could care less about their vigorous representation of the homeless," Henderson said. "At the end of the day, we all want to get them help."

Isn't that true? Yet there seems to be such a disconnect over what's happening on the street and the perception, it is a wonder anything gets done. Local attorney Jim Haas wonders if it might be worthwhile for local law firms, many of whom provide pro bono attorneys for homeless causes, to meet with representatives from the district attorney's office to discuss what is being accomplished.

No one doubts the motives or intentions of pro bono efforts. But what is the best use of the time of idealistic, well-educated attorneys? To get public-drunkenness citations dismissed? Or to help the down-and-out homeless work their way through the complicated system to get monthly Supplemental Security Income (SSI) payments? Or to guide homeless veterans through the process to get their benefits and medical plans?

Instead, they, too, often spend their time working the system, and the two sides seem to be speaking different languages. Advocates say there aren't enough places for someone like Hill to get help for his addiction, and Henderson counters that in at least one of his citations, Hill's attorneys turned down services in order to take his case to trial.

It's like the familiar argument that there are not enough beds for every homeless person to sleep in.

"We have beds every single night," Morales said. "Now, I understand that some people don't want to go into the shelter system. They might have to leave a pet or be separated from someone they are dating, but they could sleep in a bed."

And round and round it goes. What seems lost in all of this is a sense of perspective. James Allen Hill didn't suddenly take a turn for the worse. He had chronic, persistent, obvious problems. So do many of those on the street who are cited over and over for the same violations. Is there anyone who walks the streets who can say this system of treatment seems to be working well?

Honestly, there is a common ground. People on both sides of this issue honestly want to get help for those who are battling addiction, mental illness and chronic alcohol abuse. It's just a matter of how the afflicted get help.

At this point, it is all sound and fury. Perhaps there can be a meeting of the minds. Maybe there is a way to stop having the hundreds of citations dismissed, a way to get responsible care for those severely mentally ill people on the street. Or maybe things will just continue as they have for years.

As for Oastler, she says she won't be coming back here.

"I'm from Canada," she said. "I accept the snow. I think it is like San Francisco accepts the homeless."
8:48:41 AM    comment []


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