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Taming a grown monster By Okey Ndibe
JUST when Nigerians think that their nation could never slip into a direr state, their government appears set to disabuse them. The tragedy-in-progress that is President Olusegun Obasanjo's statecraft is on the verge of a defining cataclysm. Nigeria's emperor-in-chief and his coterie strut the stage in insouciant arrogance while their scorched kingdom seethes with deep unease. If you ask Obasanjo, Nigeria could not be in sturdier shape. But the so-called ordinary Nigerian has a dimmer, bleaker view of things.
The same day the world heard about the arrest by the London Metropolitan Police of Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State came an even sadder news of a nation blundering into doom. A report in The Guardian of September 16 had the title: "World Bank rates Nigeria second poorest nation." Written by Chinedu Uwaegbulam, the report's opening paragraph said it all: "Yet another World Bank report has put Nigeria at the lowest rung of the world's development ladder. The new publication, released at the ongoing United Nations summit, offers new estimates of total wealth, including produced capital, natural resources and the value of human skills and capabilities, which show that many of the poorest countries in the world are not on a sustainable path. It cites Nigeria as a resource-dependent nation, which could have produced capital five times higher than it did in 2000, if only it had made a moderate effort to save."
Nigeria's shame, as The Guardian's report insinuated, is to haunt the list of nations with the lowest scores in social and developmental indices. Nigeria, a nation that pundits as recently as the early 1970s selected as likely to emerge as an economic juggernaut, now shares dubious company with countries like Liberia, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Haiti, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Chad and Niger Republic. And guess what? When it comes to quality of life, most of these nations have bragging rights over Nigeria, the once swaggering and self-named giant of Africa.
According to The Guardian, Ethiopia was the only country bested by Nigeria in the study. It is a sad, sobering picture of prodigal wastefulness and unforgivable betrayal by the tribe of rogues entrusted with husbanding the nation's affairs. Nor is there any mystery about the source of this portrait of a nation over-achieving at failure. With leaders and prominent citizens with the visionlessness and wretched moral fund as the likes of Obasanjo, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Adolphus Wabara, Tafa Balogun, Atiku Abubakar, Francis Arthur Nzeribe, and Alamieyeseigha, that's the kind of giant our nation is bound to be: a tired, diffident, tottering being, an object of mockery in the comity of nations.
That this grim report of Nigeria's ultimate disgrace appeared alongside accounts of Alamieyeseigha's apprehension by London police struck me as poetic juxtaposition. The Bayelsa governor, returning from Germany where he'd undergone some medical procedure, was picked up at Heathrow Airport to answer allegations of engagement in money laundering. Men like Babangida, Obasanjo, Atiku and Alamieyeseigha like to flaunt their foreign medical trips in the face of sick, hopeless Nigerians. Incapable of guilt, shame or even a sense of irony, serving and retired public officials never pause to consider their culpability in the utter collapse of their nation's health care system. Contemptible fools, they fail to figure out two simple truths. One, that exiled and displaced Nigerian doctors are some of the best physicians practising in Europe, Asia, and North America, the locations favoured by Nigerian politicians in search of physical succour. Two, that the modern medical facilities and highly trained medical personnel they rush abroad to take advantage of are a product of serious health planning and social vision by foreign leaders.
Instead of emulating such purposeful leadership, Nigerian officials make a profane fetish of stealing whatever is within sight, and much that isn't. They bask in the scandal of breaking all world records in graft and corruption. They relish the pauperisation of their nation and citizenry, the better to dazzle impoverished Nigerians with the gaudy accoutrements purchased with their loot. I have said it before but it can't be said too many times: Nigeria's peculiar tragedy is to be ruled by men and women who, in marginally decent societies, would be behind bars for life! The result is predictable--and pestilential. Nigerians' condition continues to slip into unimaginable squalor even as their blind "leaders" massage corruption with tepid hostile words but invent novel ways of perpetuating an ethos based on starching public funds in private pockets.
According to The Guardian, Ethiopia was the only country bested by Nigeria in the UN study. On the list of nations ahead of Nigeria in the study are Madagascar, Chad, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau, Nepal, Niger, Congo Republic, and Burundi. Nothing could be a starker illustration of the gap between the nation's direction and the inflated rhetoric emanating from Obasanjo's propaganda machinery. Despite its ramped up efforts to paint itself in bright colours, this government has methodically traded in the stock of deceit, hypocrisy and folly. Far from disavowing the execrable legacies of past governments, this president has become adept at the mimicry of the past, including a faithful renewal of the lease on corruption. Nigeria's unflattering performance in the UN study holds up a mirror to this dispensation's profound failures.
Given the bleak import of the UN report, why did it fail to engender a furor in Abuja? Why did no member of the National Assembly table it for discussion? What accounts for the report's virtual burial in an impregnable tomb? Two answers suggest themselves to me. One is that Nigeria's ruling elite are hardly nudged into consciousness by news of this significance. To be roused from their lethargy is to rise to the challenge of envisioning a different, vibrant nation. Why, such an idea is anathema to the majority of Nigeria's public officials. As for the nation's legislators, very early in the life of this "nascent democracy" they established a reputation for catatonic alienation. For many of them, nothing but the smell of crisp naira notes (or, better still, dollar or pound sterling) can wake them up.
Another answer is that Nigeria is in the grips of its favourite pastime, in fact its game de riguer: the tussle for power. Many Nigerian pundits see Alamieyeseigha's arrest in the light not of a fight against corruption but a baser feud between Obasanjo and Atiku over who will run the power show beyond 2007. Nigerians can't quite agree whether Obasanjo is positioning himself to illegally hold on to power after his current term ends in two years. Even so, there is unanimity that Obasanjo wants to deny his vice president a shot at the presidency. Obasanjo was seen gloating over the humiliation of Alamieyeseigha, a man known to be firmly in Atiku's camp. Why, many Nigerians are asking on Internet fora, does this president apply a selective principle in exposing corrupt officials? Obasanjo has many governors close to him, including Peter Odili of Rivers and Chimaraoke Nnamani of Enugu. Are the president's acolytes paragons of cleanliness and probity? Of course not, as any Nigerian would tell you.
Atiku and other PDP officials have themselves to blame. They watched akimbo as President Obasanjo methodically amassed power and emasculated dissent in their party. They let him appoint and dismiss party officials at his whim. They stood by as he euphemised his cronies' treasonable actions in Anambra state as no more than "a family affair." They assented to his choice of Maurice Iwu, a man tainted by his association with the Uba clan, as chairman of the nation's electoral body. Now the monster they permitted to run roughshod over their party and nation has set its sights on them. It is as much their task as that of other Nigerians to confront the monster they helped create and to tame it. That, or watch themselves and the nation become its hapless victims.
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