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  07 August 2003

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Critics of this Republican administration's foreign policy have charged that it has been taken over by the "Neo-Conservatives". Neo-Conservatives are a quasi intellectual clique that, up until the emergence of the Republican-dominated government, and the 9/11 terror attack, were essentially academic gadflys. However, they are now driving the ship.

When I read Condi's editorial, I immediately went to the online dictionary and looked up "jingoism". The implications of what she says, for the direction and attitude of the United States, is immense. The Republican administration first argued for the war on the basis of WMD and terrorism. After the war it became humanitarian liberation. This was articulated in terms of "liberation" for the Iraqi people, to the degree that we would be greeted as "liberators" and the people would immediately embrace our democratic institutions. None of that, obviously, has transpired. Now, it is not only Iraq we wish to transform, but the entire Middle East.

The Repbublican administration would openly deny a neo-conservative agenda underarching their policies. However, their language increasingly betrays what is probably the true blueprint and underlying strategy for the region. Imperial? Jingoistic? Chauvenistic?

"America is determined to help the people of the Middle East achieve their full potential. We will act because we want greater freedom and opportunity for the people of the region, as well as greater security for people in America and throughout the world."

Here is another interesting article to juxatapose: 

Bush Channels Neoconservative Vision, By Jim Lobe, AlterNet, February 27, 2003

"In a major policy address to the neo-conservative American Enterprise Institute (AEI), President George W. Bush ... declared that a U.S. victory in Iraq "could begin a new stage for Middle Eastern peace." The speech was the latest in an accelerating series of appearances by Bush and other senior members of his administration to drum up public support for war in Iraq with or without the Security Council's authorization."

"But the speech was notable as much for its venue as its content."

"AEI's foreign policy "scholars" are closely identified with the most unilateralist and pro-Likud elements in the Bush administration. The institute serves as the hub of a tightly knit network of neo-conservative activists and groups, including the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), the Center for Security Policy (CSP), the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA). Since even before the 9/11 attacks, the AEI and its associates have pushed a series of radical foreign policy proposals to: align U.S. policy in the Middle East with the Likud; cut ties with traditional U.S. allies such as Saudi Arabia and Pakistan; oppose negotiations with North Korea; provide direct security guarantees to Taiwan; and treat China as a strategic threat."

"In op-eds in the mainstream press and sympathetic rightwing publications and almost constant television appearances,they have aggressively attacked anyone who disagrees with their hard-line positions, including Secretary of State Colin Powell, who is a favorite target. Bush's decision to deliver his speech on the Middle East to the AEI, echoing the think tank's vision for the region, made clear the extent to which the most radical hawks in the administration have prevailed in the internal policy debate.''The fact that Bush would choose AEI, of all audiences, to talk about his vision for a democratic Iraq and peaceful Middle East, has to be profoundly demoralizing to Powell,'' noted one Congressional aide whose boss has supported Powell's efforts to keep the hawks in check."

"Bush also made clear that his post-war ambitions for the Middle East are just as firmly aligned with AEI's pro-Likudnik line. In his speech, Bush took clear aim at Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, linking the overthrow of Saddam Hussein with the prospects for new leadership in Palestine. He said, "Without this (Iraqi) support for terrorism, Palestinians who are working for reform and long for democracy will be in a better position to choose new leaders: true leaders who strive for peace; true leaders who faithfully serve the people."

"Bush's speech and choice of venue – delivered amid an intense diplomatic battle over the fate of Iraq and rising tensions throughout the Arab world – was an ominous sign of his administration's intentions. It was a clear message to Americans and allies alike about just who is framing the nation's foreign policy today."


7:08:57 PM    comment [] trackback []

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I've mentioned in other posts that, objectively speaking, this Republican administration is a failure in all matters of policy, foreign and domestic. Since Republicans are all hot-shot "results oriented" CEO-types, or wannabes, the facts should be roundly appreciated.

It is clear that Dubya's war objectives have not been achieved, since he cannot account for the WMD, involving an imminent threat to U.S. Security sufficient to forgo international concensus and law and proceed with a unilateral action, tagging on whomesoever would go along for whatever reason.

Here is an article which discusses both the objective result of Republican-dominated domestic policy for the last few years, as well as its political implications:

"GEORGE W. BUSH faces a race between the ill-advised economic policies sown in the first half of his term and the bitter fruit that those policies are starting to bear. If the sour effects of his economic policies are evident by mid-2004, he is in deep political trouble. For now, at least, Bush can say that the economic news is mixed. The unemployment rate went up to 6.4 percent in May. It dropped slightly, to 6.2 percent, in June -- but only because more and more people have dropped out of the labor force entirely as payrolls continued to shrink.

Economic growth came in at 2.4 percent for the second quarter of 2003. That was better than expected, but it needs to hit 4 percent or higher to reduce unemployment. Bush's cheerleaders say that will happen, in well-choreographed fashion, in the election year.

But will it? Timing is everything. George Bush the first missed his rendezvous with prosperity in 1992. And the policies of Bush I were not as damaging as those of Bush II.

Consider these several danger signs:

* Deficits and interest rates. Long-term interest rates have gone up a full point in a month. Mortgages, which could be had at a bargain-basement 5 percent in late June, are back to 6 percent. The refinancing boom is slowing. The bond market is swooning.

Bush optimists contend that interest rates are going up because investors, sniffing a recovery, are shifting to stocks, leaving less demand for bonds. Dream on. Skeptics correctly point to the immense deficits resulting from Bush's three tax cuts. If unsustainable deficits loom, the money markets eventually push up interest rates.

Higher interest rates, of course, are bad for the recovery. If investors sense the risk of inflation down the road, that undercuts the Federal Reserve's ability to stimulate the economy with lower short-term rates now.

Most serious of all, if long-term interest rates are impervious to the Fed's policy of cutting short-term rates, then Alan Greenspan's sorcery has lost its power. (And deservedly so. Greenspan should have used his prestige as a central banker to discourage the Bush tax cuts instead of taking a dive as a good partisan.)

Will the true effects of the Bush deficits stay obscured until November 2004 while the Fed tries to keep growth on track? That looks less and less likely.

* Trade. Like his military policy, Bush's trade policy has been a blunt instrument. Bush and his economic appointees have been pushing for more international trade with few conditions attached. In theory this is good for everyone. In practice, global trade with few ground rules has exported more jobs than it has imported.

In their recent road trip, top Bush economic officials heard that China's absorption of American jobs is killing local economies. America's trade deficit with the rest of the world continues to widen.

The Democrats may be divided on some issues, but on trade most Democrats favor conditioning trade with labor and other regulatory standards so that its benefits truly flow both ways. In an election year with a soft economy, Bush-style free trade is likely to be an ever harder sell.

* Vanishing services. Ordinary Americans are saving a few bucks in their federal income taxes. Most of the breaks went to the top. But as Bush and company cut federal aid while adding costly federal mandates, local services are deteriorating. Meanwhile, many states are having to raise property and sales taxes.

Normally in this kind of downturn, Washington helps the states. This time Bush put tax cutting ahead of aid to states and communities. Congress grudgingly included an emergency $20 billion only because Democrats insisted on it. Even so, that sum is a small fraction of the state budget shortfall.

Ordinary people are also losing private health benefits and retirement income. The connection between some of these economic woes and Bush's policies are direct. In others, such as dwindling health security, the connection is more indirect; it reflects what the administration failed to do.

But it almost doesn't matter how well voters explicitly connect the dots. A bad economy spells bad news for an incumbent president.

A lot of this is implicitly about class and the tiny elite that Bush has helped. In good times Americans don't want to hear about class. Everyone expects to be Bill Gates someday. But in tough times, regular people become far more alert to who is getting most of the cookies. Bush is accountable for that, too."

Robert Kuttner's is co-editor of The American Prospect. His column appears regularly in the Globe.

This story ran on page A19 of the Boston Globe on 8/6/2003.
©
Copyright 2003 Globe Newspaper Company.


12:06:03 PM    comment [] trackback []


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