The key section of Bush's National Security anti-terrorism manifesto discusses
the Cold War doctrine of deterrence and why it doesn't work in the age
of terrorism. The section makes three points. First, compared to the
old Soviet politburo, rogue-state leaders who sponsor terror are "more
willing to take risks, gambling with the lives of their people."
Second, whereas the Soviets saw weapons of mass destruction as a last
resort, today's rogues "see these weapons as their best means of
overcoming the conventional superiority of the United States." Third,
"deterrence will not work against a terrorist enemy whose avowed
tactics are wanton destruction and the targeting of innocents" and
"whose so-called soldiers seek martyrdom in death."
The British anti-terror policy of targeted killing which saw an
innocent Brazilian electrician Jean Charles de Menezes shot dead by
London undercover police officers who mistook him for a terrorist last
Friday, is a recipe for disaster.
Despite Police Commissioner Sir Ian Blair’s assurance that
"everything is done to make it right", the use of deadly force against
one’s perceived real or imagined enemy carries the huge risk of
backfiring and accomplishing the complete opposite — making Britain
even less safe than ever.
All one has to do is look at the chaos brought about by the liberal
use of targeted killing in the Middle East by Israeli Defence Forces in
Palestine and Coalition Forces in Iraq. Largely ignoring criticisms of
its strong arm tactics when it comes to dealing with Palestinians in
general and militants specifically, Israel employs the "shoot first and
ask questions later" policy.
Todate, according to the respected B'Tselem organisation which
keeps statistics on casualties from both sides of the conflict, 187
Palestinians were assassinated under the targeted killing policy since
September 2000.
The most highly visible of these killings were the assassinations
of Hamas founder and spiritual leader Sheik Ahmed Yassin on March 22,
2004 and less than a month later his replacement Dr. Abdel Aziz Rantisi
in a missile strike on his car on Saturday, April 17, 2004.
Naturally, there are criticisms from around the world of Israeli
tactic of targeted killing. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw
condemned Israel's policy of targeted killings as "unlawful,
unjustified and counterproductive".
The reality check for Israeli, though, is the fact that suicide
attacks on civilians continues unabated — in fact, if anything, the
targeted killing appears to have inflamed the situation that has
claimed as many as 665 innocent Israeli civilians.
Much as the IDF would like to claim a higher moral ground vis-a-vis
the suicide bombers, it finds itself mired in a bloody tit-for-tat war
that it cannot win.
Meanwhile, employing targeted killing, Coalition Forces have
desperately attempted to push back Iraqi insurgents. Trigger-happy
Americans troops are quick to let out a round of automatic fire into
anything that moves that is not in a fortified Humvee.
Last month, for instance, Ahmad Wail Bakri, director for
Al-Sharqiya television, was reportedly trying to pass a traffic
accident in the Sayyidiyya district when US troops opened fire at his
car, killing him on the spot.
In March, Italian secret agent Nicola Calipari was killed while on
his way to Baghdad Airport after securing the release of Italian
journalist Giuliana Sgrena. The Americans claimed, and the Italians
disputed, that the car carrying Mr. Calipari did not stop even after
warning shots were fired.
Regardless of what really happened, Mr. Calipari was one of the
lucky ones in that his death made the news and the Americans were
forced to "look into the circumstances leading to his death".
Unfortunately, according to Iraq Body Count, thousands of Iraqis
have perished, not because of misdirected fire, but as a direct result
of US policy that targets the wrong person. And although the US loathes
to admit it, the targeting of anyone suspected of links to Iraqi
insurgency has made the job of the real insurgents very easy — not only
are civilians now reluctant to provide valuable intelligence to the
Coalition Forces, it is apparent that so-called fence-sitters are now
firmly taking the side of the insurgents.
In Britain where the Muslim community is in shock like everyone
else over the home-grown terror, there is united effort to help police
investigation of the terrorists.
Muslim leaders have openly condemned the attacks and have supported
initiatives to make the city safer. This, however, will change very
rapidly if another innocent person, a Muslim, is killed by London
Police.
The accumulated goodwill from the community will dry up like
morning dew, and in its place will grow hardened resentment that is
easily exploited by extremists.
True enough, in war, there is what former US Secretary of Defence
Robert McNamara called the fog of war -- a situation of confusion where
you hit innocent bystanders or take out the wrong neighbourhood.
Today it is known as collateral damage which is usually chalked up as the cost of doing the business called war.
However, targeted killing is a deliberate decision to shoot to kill
because of perceived threat that may or may not exist.
The person who pulls the trigger is the judge, jury and executioner.
What happened last Friday in Britain was therefore a targeted
killing where officers were acting under orders to take out a suspected
terrorist regardless of the possibility that the person could be
innocent -- which is what it turned out to be. Mr. de Menezes never
really knew what hit him, five bullets were pumped into his head at
close range.
His death and the insistence by London Police that sometimes the
innocents may have to die reinforces the obnoxious view expressed by US
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld who said in April 2003 after the
fall of Baghdad that, "Freedom's untidy."
Free people are free to make mistakes and commit crimes and do bad
things”.
One would prefer what Mr. Rumsfeld said in the next sentence
“They’re also free to live their lives and do wonderful things”. Mr.
Menezes was not given that chance.
According to the document, "History will judge harshly those who saw
this coming danger but failed to act. In the new world we have entered,
the only path to safety is the path of action." But this is a
backward-looking policy disguised as a forward-looking policy. It
focuses on what history has already judged harshly. Bush is afraid that
if we don't err on the side of shooting first and asking questions
later, what happened on Sept. 11, 2001, will happen again.
That
isn't the new world we're entering. The new world is the one
rationalized by Bush's manifesto: a world in which great powers wink at
each other's misconduct, every threat is imminent, self-defense means
pre-emptive action abroad, interests are dressed up as values, and
cooperation means cooperating with the United States. We don't know
what history will judge harshly about this era, but there's a good
chance it'll be the compromises we embraced to rectify the mistakes of
Sept. 11. Perhaps those compromises are necessary. Covering them up
surely isn't.